Program for national revival

LAST IN A SERIES

This article is a summary of my overall impressions from the discussions I had in Poland. There could have been a great national tragedy, in the form of civil war, but that was avoided by the imposition of martial law on December 13, 1981.

Contrary to what has been published by the capitalist news media in the West, martial law was proclaimed constitutionally, by the Council of State and later ratified by parliament.

Eadeuz Zaremba, deputy head of the foreign depart- ment of the Polish United Workers Party, told me that while the imposition of martial law was a difficult and painful decision, it was the correct decision under the circumstances. There was a crisis in the party and the state, and the economy was deteriorating.

He cited as the reasons for this situation mistakes by the party and the government, arbitrariness in economic matters and too many deviations from the basic prin- ciples of the economic building of socialism. The three main economic policies that led to this dead end were:

e@ excessive credit from the West,

e incorrect investment policies,

e the ill-considered purchase of licenses for industrial production from the West.

When the crisis broke out in full force in August, 1980, mass dissatisfaction was channeled through Solidarity.

According to Zaremba, there were two sides to Soli- darity. The Polish workers who joined Solidarity in their millions were expressing their dissatisfaction with government policies and their protest against deteriorat- ing living standards. On the other side there was the utilization of this genuine protest of workers by various forces who were fundamentally opposed to socialism.

The former leadership of the party and the government adopted a very harmful way of settling problems. Every time there was a big strike, a: government representative went there with a satchel full of money and got a settle- ment, according to Zaremba’s figure of speech. This further aggravated the situation, resulting in more money chasing fewer consumer goods. What was needed were policies and decisive actions to get at the root of the problems confronting the nation, instead of trying to buy and spend their way out of the crisis.

Political Opposition

From the very beginning, Solidarity leaders, under the influence of anti-socialist advisors, acted as a political opposition. This was clearly demonstrated in the dispute over the statutes of Solidarity when the leaders bitterly opposed acceptance of the following constitutional prin- ciples of the state: ae

e Socialist ownership of the basic means of produc- tion,

e The leading role of the PUWP in society,

e Alliance between Poland and the Soviet Union.

However, from August 1980 to December 1981, the party drew a line between the members of Solidarity and its political leaders. In 1980, it adopted a political course of uniting the nation around a national accord based on

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Federal employees say ‘No!’ to controls

socialist renewal. That line was endorsed by the ninth extraordinary party congress in July, 1981 and is still binding.

However, the extremists in Solidarity were ‘seeking

confrontation. From August 1980 to December 1981, ©

there were never-ending attempts by Solidarity to dis- rupt production, violate public order and destroy the state. For nearly 16 months there were strikes and demonstrations, rising prices and an increasing shortage of consumer goods. Public life was being disorganized and the social fabric was beginning to come apart at the seams.

None of the undertakings and initiatives of the government found acceptance by Solidarity leaders. It is obvious now that their aim was to destroy the socialist state and not to improve it.

Allowed to Exist

In September and October 1981, a Solidarity Congress formulated its opposition policies. As Zaremba put it, the idea was advanced that the party should be allowed to exist ““because they will protect us from the Russians while we do our work.’’ In the meantime, Solidarity was to form its own political structure in opposition to the party.

~The Social Economic Council that Solidarity pro- posed would have meant dual power, with the aim of taking over leadership from the party. |

A full campaign against party members was launched. This took many forms, such as writings on walls, leaflets and pressure in the factories and other work places. Solidarity officially adopted a line of destroying commu- nist organization in the factories and other work places. The idea was advanced that the purpose of the factory was to produce and the communists should be some- where else.

In a number of towns, Solidarity promoted referenda on the question of whether communist organization should be permitted in factories. In short, Solidarity leaders wanted to deny the role given to the PUWP under the constitution of the country and to assume that role for itself.

Then, as we all know, came the Radom and Gdansk meetings of the Solidarity leadership in December 1981 which openly called for confrontation. It was under these circumstances that martial law was imposed. ~

If I have not dealt with the significant aid given to the anti-socialist forces from the West, it is because that has. already been dealt with in the Tribune. Suffice it to say that the West, and the U.S. administration in particular, suffered a big defeat when martial law was imposed. Hence their hypocritical shouting about ‘‘freedom’’ for Poland while they actively support brutal dictatorships in many parts of the world.

The Situation Now

But what is the situation now, in terms of mobilizing the people for the socialist renewal? A few éxamples should indicate the trend.

In the best period of 1980, the Polish United Workers Party had 3,150,000 members and candidates. Now, it is down to 2,500,000, but it is better organized and more active, and is regaining its proper place in society. Some who left the party did so of their own volition and others were dropped by the party for deviating from. its prin-

’ in its deformation.”’

From Poland

Jack Phillips

ciples and program. Now, the party is beginning to ™ cruit, on a healthy, principled basis and is becoming? more influential factor in factories .and other w0l places. :

The PUWP is conducting a struggle for national a). cord under the slogan of, ‘‘All those who are not agains us can be with us.’’ Under this slogan, national reviV® committees have sprung up all over the country. They include Communists, members of the United Peasall and the Democratic Parties, non-party people, youth Catholics and they are patiently explaining the .govel™ ment’s program for overcoming the crisis. There a some 5,000 such committees in the country.

At the same time, there is a discussion going 0% throughout the party on a document entitled: ‘‘Goals am! Purposes of Our Struggle.’’ The aim of this discussion § to unite the party on a principled ideological and orga izational platform.

Agricultural Policies 4 , On the agricultural front, it would appear, sound pol: cies have been worked out which should ensure an if" crease in food to the population and a long-term em” phasis on persuasion and example to extend thé socialized sector of this important branch of the econ omy. At present, more than three quarters of the Polish} farmiand is owned by 2,800,000 individual households: The size of the average farm is 5.5 hectares (13.59 acres):

On the negative side, there is an underground Soll: darity leadership which still maintains connections with some circles in Polish society and is doing its best 1 thwart the process of achieving national accord.

As the events of May this year proved, they can bé counted on to promote disorder and street riots whenever they feel it will serve their ends and when they can muster enough people. However, the May events also proved that Solidarity is a declining, not a growing force.

In its declaration, ‘‘The Goals and Purposes of Ou! Struggle,’’ the PUWP leadership. struck a critical noté which augurs well for the future;

“In learning the lessons of our defeats, we must bea! .

in mind that the source of our weakness lies in thé departure from the principles of Marxism-Leninism. ! lies in the inability to make creative use of them ... Wé are deeply convinced that crises do not have to accom pany the development of socialism. The PUWP believe that the crisis is not rooted in the nature of socialism, bu!

There is a long and difficult road ahead for the people of socialist Poland, but I am firmly convinced that they have chosen the right road and that socialism will bé renewed and strengthened, opening the way to a neW renaissance and greatness for the Polish nation.

TORONTO — If the July 14 meeting of the PSAC in Toronto is any indication, the federal government is in for a rough time. On that very evening, 22 such meetings were taking place throughout the country. At the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, the packed au- ditorium resounded to the singing of Solidarity Forever, and the road of Public Service Alliance members shouting ‘‘No!”’ to the 6% .and 5% wage controls, the roll-back of existing contracts and the abrogation of the right to strike.

Prominently displayed throughout the hall were placards which proclaimed: ‘‘Fight in-

flation, not workers!’’, ‘‘Lower interest rates, not wages!’’, and “‘Wrestle inflation to the ground, not workers’ salaries!”’

In his opening remarks, Cres

Pascucci, chairman of the meet- ing, stated that the government is attempting to divide public ser- vice workers from workers in the private sector, and to separate both from the unemployed. He emphasized that job security in the public service has become a farce; that Bill C-124 is a smoke- screen hiding the fact that the Trudeau government cannot manage the economy. : : Pascucci asked: ‘‘How does the elimination of the right to strike solve the problem of in- flation?’’ He concluded with these words: ‘‘The government has the power to break its own- laws by passing new ones.

PSAC-bashing will not abolish

unemployment, inflation or high interest rates.”’

-The key note address was deli- vered by Joe Powers, of the PSAC National Board of Direc-

PACIFIC TRIBUNE—AUGUST 13, 1982— Page 6

tors. He made it clear that the .Al-

liance does not intend to submit,

that the union will be on strike alert as of October 1, 1982, and that concerted action will com- mence on that date, including all kinds .of activities up to and in- cluding a general strike, depend- ing on the situation at that time.

Powers pointed out that a common front of 60 unions is being formed in a nation-wide campaign to strengthen collective bargaining, and to urge upon the unions of the private sector that there be no concessions, no roll- back of existing contracts, and no reduction in the percentage of pay increases. . -

He quoted from a statement of Pierre Elliott Trudeau, made at an earlier period, during the Asbes- tos strike of 1949, that when a law is unjust and hurts the workers,

there is no alternative but to change that law, or break it.

Questioning the position of the New Democratic Party, Powers asked: ‘‘If the NDP says that it doesn’t believe in breaking the law, who in hell do we tur to for help?”

At the conclusion of the meet-

ing, thunderous applause and 4 standing ovation expressed thé unanimous approval of the work ers for the PSAC campaign to d& feat Bill C-124, and to protect thé trade union movement within thé public service and its right to pro” tect the interests of the public se! vice employees.

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LABOR MOVEMENT TOPS 3-MILLION

OTTAWA — Labor Canada’s latest Director of Labor OrganiZ*” tions shows that trade union membership in this country in 1982 stands at 3,617,328, an increase of 3.8% over 1981. According to the lates! Stats, 31.4% ofthe total labor force and 39% of the non-agricultural workforce belong to unions. This compares to 30.6% and 37.4% 1

spectively for 1981.

CLC membership at the beginning of 1982 stood at ,2,082,45), representing 57.6% of total union membership in Canada. U.S.-b unions operating in Canada made up 44.2% of total Canadian membe! ship, a decline from 44.7% in 1981 and 46.3% in 1980. The top fivé unions include CUPE, the National Union of Provincial Governme! Employees, Steelworkers, PSAC, and the United Food and Comme! cial Workers. Five of the top ten are international unions.

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