February 11, 1937

Bi. Oo. WORK FR S*

NEWS

Page Three

The

Federationist Trotskyism

By MAGRICE RUSH Realizing the need for clarity in the labor movement with regard to the recent trials of the Trotskyites,

and the relationship of counter- revolutionary Trotskyism to the labor movement , the provincial

executive of the Communist party of BC recently, in a letter to The Ped- erationist, took exception to an €ditorial in which an incorrect and supposedly “impartial” view was takén toward Trotskyism.

In this letter the request was that the true facts of the case be pre- sented which, if done, would con- demn the repugnant Trotskyites as agents of reaction in the eyes of all people who Sincerely wish to, and are today, strugelinge against rabid reaction and Imperialist war.

The Communist party is in re- eeipt of a reply from Don Smith, policy editor of The Federationist, in which the position of the CCE periodical is. stated.

We are confident that the ap- preach of the editors of The Fed- erationist te the rotskyites is not accepted by the mass of that sreat people’s movement—the CCF. Nor is it, or should be, the approach of the labor movement to these despicable murderers and disrupters of every progressive movement. A

The approach of The lederation- ist to this vital question is one of

recognizing the Trotskyites as a

party of the working class. Henceforth, the letter over the

Signature of the editor says: “We

have only one desire—to present the facts, or what we have to ac- cept as the facts—and to be unfair

to no one or te no party in the process.”’ If only the facts were put and

acknowledged it would prove, beyond the shadow of a doubt, that Trotsliy-

ism is. not an integral part of the

labor movement, but and dangerous element,

is a foreign a Fascist

contraband within the workers’ ranks.

In BC we have witnessed the disgusting performance of the

Trotskyites in sabotaging the cam- paign for support to Spanish democ- racy. We do not shut our eves to the ill-famed leaflet distributed by the local sect at the meeting of the representatives of Spanish democ- raey which was designed to dis- credit the representatives of and condemn the Spanish People’s front government.

Nor do we forgej the lies origi- nated by them in an attempt to do damage to the campaigzn of the progressive people of BC on behalf of an heroic people fighting for freedom, by circulating insidious rumors as to where the funds col- jected were going.

Nor can we, in the interests of Gur class, overlook the action of Trotskyites in. Spain, who, amons other traitorous acts, attempted to assassinate La Passionara, woman leader of the Spanish people, and actually succeeded in assassinatinge a group of active Communists one night while an air attack on Madrid Was in Progress.

Nor do we ignore their disruptive elass enemies tactics in the In- dustrial and Economic Conference and in the youth organizations.

In view of these truisms, how in the name of conimon Sense and in justice to our movement, can we in- clude them as a part of the pro- gressive elements in the strugele against Fascism?

Tet us pause for a moment and consider the question of being un- biased and fair to Trotskyism. Can we say that the mass of people in Spain, Germany, Italy and other Fascist countries, who have felt the pressure of reaction, are unbiased toward their torturers?

Shall the labor movement there- fore, take an impartial and wun- biased attitude toward the agents of Fascism and reaction in our ranks? Such an attitude can but encourage

and sponsor the growth of reaction-

_ ary Trotskyism. Fair play. yves—but not for the class enemy. :

Harm will be done to the labor movement of BC if the true facts concerning Trotskyism are not dis- seminated widely so that progressive people everywhere will be able to cope with these individuals and their “theories’’ wherever they appear. Wherever the nest of Trotskyists root themselves they sew seeds of destruction and the CCF should be- ware that by toleration of Trotsky- ists in its ranks it does not reap a Similar harvest.

In bringing clarification on this gueStion The FPederationist has an extremely important part to play, particularly in view of an early provincial election. If can be a big factor in purging the labor move- ment of people who seek to destroy it. But before it can fulfill that

TROTSKYISM —:

The Scourge the Labor Movement

by. Beckie

Must

Buhay Ewen |

Destroy

. . . Trotskyism is the vanguard of the counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie which is carr

The WTrotskyist “‘Marallel centre” hoped to come to power following military defeat of the USSR. With rumibles of revolt in Fascist states, his hope was shown to be an evil dream. (Right) The Rec Army demon-

strates.

Communism, "against the Soviet Government, against the building of Socialism in the USSR.

“Who gave the counter-revolutionary bouorgeoisie its intellectual weapon against Bolshevism, in the form of the thesis of the impossibility of building Socialism in one country, in the form o of the Belsheviks, etc.? That weapon was given it by Trotskyism. . the USSR its tactical weapon in the for to it by the Trotskyites, who tried to

revolutionary sabotage of the bourgeoisie specialists.

“Who gave the counter-reyolutionary bourgeoisie an organizational weapon in the form of attempts at organizing under- ground anti-Soviet organizations? This weapoon was given to it by the Trotskyists who founded their own anti-Bolshevik

illegal group. ...

“Trotskyism is the vanguard of the counter-reyolutionary bourgeoisie. That is why liberalism towards Tr when the latter is shattered and concealed,

Soviet citizens.

_Forced confessions,” cry the holy trinity of capitalists, Trotskyists and reactionary labor leaders. But hundreds of demon- strations of workers and peasants in the Soviet Union, demanding the severest punishment for these traitors, belie al] their

cries!

No Fascist capitalist court, no torture was able to weaken Dimitroff, who hurled his defiance to his oppressors and won the love and admiration of millions throughout the world, because Dimitroff symbolized the great invincible Communist ideal. oes : But these cowardly traitors had to confess with their heads down because they faced a tribunal of a hundred and seventy ’ STALIN

million accusers, a tribunal that would not tolerate a group of unscrupulous scoundrels to destroy that Socialist society which

the masses of the Soviet Union had built with their lives. Before this tribunal they were forced to tell the sStery of their sabotage. wreck- age, wholesale murder, asSassination of Soviet leaders. alliances with Fas- eists and the Gestapo, preparations for War upon the Soviet Union and counter-revolution.

This is the theory and program of Trotskyism and some of our So- Cialist friends say “there are two sides to the question, that these peo- ple are “old Bolsheviks’ who made the revolution in the USSR.”

WHO ARE THE TROTSKYISTS?

Wo myth is more false than this ene of the ‘old Bolsheviks,” than the myth that they were the true disciples. of Lenin. The history of revolutionary Russia bristles with the sharp differences that MWLenin had with this group.

Starting with the strugele in the Social Democratic party in 1903, which resulted in the split of Bol- sheviks and Mensheviks, we find Trotsky lined up with the Menshe- viks, praising their leader, Martov, and ridiculing Lenin, calling the latter a “party disorganizer,”’ talk- ing of “those hideous, wantonly demagogic lies of Lenin.’ In his pamphlet entitled. “Our Political Tasks,” dedicated to the leading Menshevik Axelrod, Trotsky says: “Lenin is the leader of the most re- actionary wings of the party.” In 1904 he wrote, “For Lenin Marxism is a dish rag.’’

And this is the man held up be- fore us as the true disciple of Lenin.

As a matter of fact, Trotsky fought Lenin bitterly from 1903 until 1917 (when he joined the Bolshevik party); and in many of Lenin’s outstanding works can be found quotations in which he takes sharp issue with Trotsky for his opportunism.

‘Just to mention a few: In Vol. IVY of Lenin’s selected works can be found the following: “Trotsky is fond of sonorous and empty phrases.”’

‘Not all is gold that glitters- Trotsky’s phrases are full of glit- ter and-noise, but they lack con- tent.’

“Trotsky’s Workers’ Magazine is Trotsky’s magazine for work- ers, for it bears no trace either of workers’ initiation or contact with workers’ organizations.”

“The obliging Trotsky is more dangerous than an enemy.”

“Trotsky has neyer yet held a firm opinion on any serious ques- tion relating to-Marxism, he al- ways manages to ‘creep into the chinks’ of this or that difference of opinion. and desert one side for the other.”

This last quotation is’ particularly fitting to facts, if one studies this man’s role in the history of the Bolshevik party.

It came up at every serious mo-

>>

after the revolution realizing that only a speedy peace could consolidate the revolution, prepared for the termination of the War wtih Germany. ;

Trotsky hedged with his formula “neither peace nor war,’’ and de- Clared he would not sign the Brest- Litovsk Treaty, and this hedging and delay was responsible for the sacrifice of much Russian Soviet territory. In this Trotsky was sup- ported as in most of his points of disagreement with the party, by Kameney, Zinoviev, and others who made up later the Trotskyist Op- position. It is important to note that the latter two opposed the insurrec- tion of 1917. and Lenin had pro- posed their _expulsion from the party. However, they submitted to the discipline of the party at that time.

Right after the seizure of power, when the party was faced with the problem of defending its very exist- ence, Zinoviey, Kamenev, Rykoff, and a number of others who com- posed this group; advocated that coneessions of principle should be made to the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries, whose first and prime demand was the removal of Lenin from the government and the guarantee of a majority for themselves within the government.

But opposition did not stop here. Hardly was the civil war over, be- fore Trotsky was opposing Lenin on the question of the role of the trade unions, and jJater he put up a vicious opposition to the New Economic Policy, which, it is plain now, was a masterly tactic, a tactic which gave the Soviet that breathing spell so necessary to organize its trade and distribution.

THEORY OF PERMAN- ENT REVOLUTION.

Trotsky had no faith in the work ers, This is the basis for the whole story of his false theories and his degeneration to open counter-revo- lution. Particularly had he no faith in the Russian workers and their

when Lenin,

ability to become as they did be- come, the shock brigade of .Com- munism.

Back in 1906, he formulated his theory: “Without direct ‘support from the European proletariat, the working class of Russia cannot

maintain itself in power and trans- form its temporary rule into durable socialist dictatorship.”

This is the essence of his theory of Permanent Revolution. In 1924, seven years after the establishment of Soviet power, when victory had been completed over the main counter-revolutionary enemies at home and abroad, he reprinted his pamphlet “Program for Teace,"”” where he wfote as follows: ‘‘With- out waiting for others, we begin and continue our strugele on our national soil—quite sure that our initiative will give impetus to the struggle in other countries.

But if that should not happen,

f the thesis of the inevitability of the degeneration - . Who gave the counter-revoloutionary bourgeooisie in m of attempts at open attacks on the Soviet Government? This weapoon was given organize anti-Soviet demonstrations in Moscow and Leningrad on November 7, 1927. It is a fact that the anti-Soviet actions of the Trotskyists raised the spirit of the bourgeooisie and let loose the work of counter-

ying on the struggle against

otskyism, even is Stupidity bordering on crime, bordering on treason to the working class.” Thus spoke Stalin in 1931, and nothing more clearly shows the truth of these contentions than the recent Trotskyist ter- rorist trials. Screaming headlines of the capitalist and Hearst press, notwithstanding, fantastic char torture, etc.; the willingness of reactionary labor leaders to believe any slander terrible facts these trials have brought to light, facts written in death, havoc

ges of dope, hypnotism, on the Scviet Union; cannot wipe out the and destruction to the lives of hundreds of

Bierce

considerations to think, for ex- ample, that a revolutionary Rus- sia could hold itS own in the face of conservative Europe or that a socialist Germany could remain isolated in the capitalist world.”

But how did Lenin explain this question of the building of social- ism in one country?

Lenin wrote: “The development of capitalism takes place in the yarious

countries to a large degree un- equally. This cannot be otherwise in a system of commodity produc-

non.

Here comes the unalterable con- clusion that socialism cannot be victorious in all countries simul- taneously. It will be first victori- ous in One or several countries and the others will for some time remain bourgeois or pre-bourseois countries. (The war program of the proletarian revolution’’).

Life has proven the correctness of

ienin’s and Stalin’s teachings in this regard, and the falsity ~- of Trotskyism. It is because of Tenin

and Stalin's faith in the working class and working class enersy that SOCcialist industrialization and collec tivization are a success and such great achievements have resulted.

In every sphere of work and Struggle Trotsky opposed lLLenin’s theories.

Thus it was on the question of an alliance with the peasantry, on the question of colonial revolution, on the united front, and particularly. did he fight the Bolshevik principle put into practice by Lenin, that of

democratic centralism in the party. ,

Instead, to suit his purpose and his personal ambitions, he rayed con- tinually about party bureaucracy and of course directed his main fire against the man who so ably had carried forward the teachings of Lenin into reality—Joseph Stalin.

TROTSKYISM BECOMES COUNTER-REVOLUTION. |

For many years the party gaye

tireless time for discussion of Trotsky’s theories. He was beaten, made pledges that he would adhere

to decisions of the the pledges.

More than that, he besan to or- BSanize his seeret opposition and counter demonstrations to those of the party. It was this that brought about his exile in 1927.

party, and broke

From then on, the story is one of the ugliest betrayal of the masses, double dealing, assassina- tion. (Kirov), alliances with the Hearsts, Gestapo, to open planning

for counter-revolution and war. During the trials of last summer Kameney told the Moscow court that the Trtoskyists hoped to achieve the following by assassina- tion: “We could foresee two different possibilities of ¢+he Coming to power of the Trotskyist Zinovievist lead- ers. The first,-and to us the most real, was that after the assassina- tion of Stalin there will be more contusion in the leadership of the

“We figured that in these nego-

tiations Zinoviev and myself will take the most important place, Since, with our double dealing in

the period of Stalin’s leadership, we were forgiven by, the party for our previous errors, reinstated in the Party and that our part in the as-

Sassination would be unknown to the party and the country as a whole.”’

To such extent had this degenera- tion taken place. Trotsky, however. was working further. Unable to make any real headway in his theories and plans, he knew the only Strength he and his clique could derive wuld be from Fascist counter- revolutionary sources.

Radek in this last trial fully re- veals the alignment with Fascism, the determination of this band of as- sassins to erush the Soviet. power and to restore capitalism.

What greater treachery to working class could be revealed!

Not only had the Trotskyists murdered Kirov, 29 Red Army lead- ers, been responsible for countless wrecks that cost the lives of many Workers, but they were again con- niving for Stalin’s assassination, to be followed by Molotoy and many other leaders of the CPSU. They were deliberately plannine war on the USSR and this part of Radek's

the

evidence crowns all in its brazen betrayal. Radek: “Whereas previously

Trotsky abroad and we in Moscow had spoken about economic re- treat On the basis of the Soviet state, this letter indicated a radi- cal change, because firstly. Trotsky considered that the. result would be inevitable territorial conces- sions and he definitely mentioned the Ukraine.

“Secondly raised of USSR.

“Thirdly from the economic viewpoint, he envisaged the fol- lowing results of defeat; not only the giving of industrial enter- prises as concessions important for imperialist states, but also hand- ing Over, Selling to capitalist ele- ments as private property, import- ant economic objects which they might indicate.”

ACTIONS IN OTHER COUNTRIES.

But these birds of prey are not only busy in the USSR.

Availing themselves of all the difficulties that face the masses in Europe in their fight against Fas- cismi, these latest allies of fascism, are doing everything possible to prevent the successful and speedy development of the people’s front.

In Spain, right in the heat of battle they organize strugesle against the Popular Front government, plan assassination of its leaders, practice sabotage and destruction. So serious has become their sabotage that the Spanish government has been forced to arrest them and bring

the question the partition of

was the

them be- |

Cachin. They have on their ‘‘honor boll™ people like Maria Reese who: ended up by writing declarations for Hitler; Ruth Fisher, who is the sec- retary to the Mrench Fascist Doriot.

In every nest of reaction and counter-revolution you will find them. . ROOT THEM OUT!

Just recently one of their own members, Armold Johnson, who could no longer stomach their as-

Sassination plans, has exposed them in this country.

He reported a meeting in New York at which Morris Spector, the Canadian LProtskyist, after his return from a visit with Trotsky in Norway reported. ’

During the report one of the Trotskyists asked him: ‘Did Trotsky mean a definite violent counter-

revolution (referring to their plans against the USSR). Spector replied: “Yes,” and he emphasized that he has been careful to get this rieht.

Thus they entered the ILP in Great Britain and the result was disorganization dnd disruption; they entered the Socialist party of fhe USA. and the result was the samie— here, however, they have practically liquidated what was once an im- portant organization.

In Canada, they are active in the CCW and the youth movement. Some CCF leaders tolerate them and even support them. Under the excuse of “fair play” and beine ‘‘unbiased”’ they are permitting these counter révolutionistSs to brine havoc in their organization.

We appeal to the CCF in all Seriousness, to stop this menace in their. ranks. You cannot give ‘fair Play” to assassins and wreckers, to enemies of the labor movement.

Trotskyism is alien to the labor movement. It can have no place there. It must be rooted out and all honest people must unite to isolate this group fromthe forces of progress.

“AN ENEMY OF LABOR’’—_RADEK

In his concluding statement to the court Radek uttered these Significant words:

“We must say to the world and to all who fight for peace that Trotskyism is a weapon of the warmongers. We must say this with a firm voice. It was inde- Seribably hard for us to recognize this but it is a historie fact.

“We haven’t any right. When Muralov, Trotsky’s right-hand

man, about whom I was con- vineced he would die in prison without saying a single word, gave his testimony explaining this by saying he didn’t want to die im consciousness that his name might be a banner for all

The Soviet vs. _ Capitalist Legal System

By G. H. B.

‘Why should Radek and his six- teen co-defendants confess?”

This question is agitating many persons today, Enemies of the So- viet Umion seize upon the confes- sions to denounce the USSR. The Hearst press and its allies, the Trot- skyists, howl “Frame-up” and the public, without knowledge of the Soviet judicial system, wonders, “Why did they confess?”

The 17 Trotskyist terrorists could do nothing but confess. So thor oughly was the case investigated, and in such detail; so overwhelming: Was the evidence massed against them, that by the time they came to trial the case was complete.

There is a vast difference between the judicial system of Soviet Russia and that of capitalist countries.

Before arrests are made an in- vestigation is held. Tf the investi- fSation reveals grounds for charges, such charges are laid and the in- vestigation or preliminary hearing continues.

To quote D. N. Pritt, KG, eminent British counsel, who was present at the Kameney-Zinoviefeé trial, on this pre-trial period:

“The preliminary enquiry, which supersedes the early investigations of the police, takes place in private, and is conducted by a judicial officer called an investigator, No judge is present, and the accused cannot be legally represented; but he is not compelled to give evidence, and it is emphatically laid down, and great efforts are made to ensure, that the investigation must be completely impartial, directed not merely to ascertaining what can be snid for the prosecution, but to eliciting all relevant facts, in whatever direction they tend.

“Statements of all relevant wit- nesses, includin= experts, searchers of premises and property, subject to proper safeguard, and in general every possible line of investigation (subject at every stage to an ap- péal to the procurator by any person affected), are all designed to result in a very full investigation and a preparation ef a summary history of the case, with a view to decid=

ing whether it should go to trial and, if so, to having it fully prepared for trial. |

“If, at the end of the enquiry, the investigator regards the case as a proper one to be tried, he so in- forms the accused, and tells him

that he has a right to see the record and to ask for any additional wit: nesses to be examined. =

“When the accused has exercised this right so far as he desires, the

investigator draws up an ‘accusa- tory conclusion,’ which is in sub- Stance a history or ‘brief’ of the

whole case; this is submitted to, the

procurator of the court, who, if he,

thinks the case proper to be tried, Sets it down for hearine.

“The accused and his advocate from that moment haye full access to the record and the right to take copies of any part of it; a copy of the accusatory conclusion itself has to be delivered in any case to the accused three days before the hear- ing.”

Again. at Soviet trials, there is a vast difference, The very atmos- phere of a capitalist court makes it almost impossible for the accused to present a case fully; the judge in- Variably comes from a social strata far remoyed and does not under- Stand the problems of the accused.

“In Russia,’* in the words of Mr._ is as different -

Pritt, “everything from this as it can be. A. pro- fessional judge and two eo-judges sit at a small table, and deal with the

prosecution, the accused, the adyvo--

cates, the litigants, with as little formality as a group of English peasants arguing politics in a village inn.” ’ The accused can please himself Whether he testifies or not. He has the “last word’ in his right to ad- dress the court personally at the end of the trial, Then, too, he may ask aS many and any question he wishes, provided they have some bearing on the points at. issue. Contrast this with capitalist pro- eedure. Arrested on suspicion, sub- jected to third degree erilling, threats, mental torture, beating, the victim finally confesses (7), and justice has been served. Guilt of the victim is secondary; of more im- portance to the records is that op- posite every charge entered, a con- viction shall be registered. “With vision clouded and distorted by such environment, is it any wonder the public asks, “Why did Radek and his 16 co-defendants confess?”

Trotskyism does not sink roots into the masses of the proletariat, but its danger for petit-bourgeois intellectuals must not be wunder- estimated.

The Protskyists hope for an Im=

necessary purpose it must first have | ment and acted as a break to the | then it would be hopeless in the | party and the government, and we | fore a people’s tribunal where they counter tevolubonary scan ,| suis Perialistic war to help the counter clarity and resoluteness on its edi- fulfillment of party policy and ac-| light of the experience of» history | Zinoviey, Kameney and Trotsky | will get their just deserts. is the profoundest result of this | revolution to overthrow the Soviet torial board. tion. It showed itself very early | and in the light of the theoretical | will be approached. In_ France they planned to kill | trial SU SLEUI

The Soviet Un- ion under Stalin is leading the en- tire world. In avi-. ation she excels. Her air force is the finest and most powerful 15 the world; her Civil fleet a link brniging her fer- flung borders

ever closer.

(Left) A Moscow airport,

(Centre) An oper- ating room in one of Moscow's un- rivalled hospitals where medical science males as- tounding prog- Tess.

(Right) Fighting malaria from the elouds with

chemicals.

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