© 1867 and 1947 Confederation and the West Bay Company on the other. The company had got it in the first place as a slight token of &8ppreciation from a Stuart mon- arch whom the gentlemen con- cerned had helped to restore to the throne of England. There is No record to show that it was the Monarch’s property, but he gave it away anyhow. Not that the West was against Confederation at that time, or is Now. But that little fact of his- tory has had much to do with the history of the West during the past 80 years and even unto € present day. It wasn’t as though there were ‘0 people in the West but the Udson’s Bay Company factors. There were the Indians, of Course. And there were the Metis along the Red River and “the Scottish settlers at Selkirk and elsewhere, These people didn’t want the Company regime to stay. They had fought it bitterly for de- _ fades. What they wanted was that the West become part of Canada as one of the partners, with democratic rights, with deeds to the lands they tilled and Provisions for schbols and roads. __So while negotiations between the then separate colonies and between the initiators of Confed- ration and the Hudson’s Bay as Company were «going on, the €sterners sent ‘delégations down Rast to plead their cause, : i as many a delegation has Ne since, _And as has happened so often Since then, the businessmen-poli- Clans made the Westerners “Some vague promises and pack- hem off home. Once the deal was done, the °sses of the East congratulated €Mselves on a smart piece of al estate business and proceed- to treat the West as their # vate property and the West- _“Mers as trespassers. ; as took a couple of rebellions Ww @ lot of battling—East and Sts *st—to win provincial rights t the Prairies, ? Wear did Confederation and the end of the Hudson’s Bay Com Npan West Y monopoly mean to the iD. te meat ia ee C ih | il wall 2; ress Ncoml | 4 ! by Frank Lesser y Derek Kartun west Territories—never joined Confederation. Was annexed via a little business deal between the bosses of Ontario and Montreal on the one hand and the Hudson’s LPL by JOHN WEIR A’ a matter of historical fact, the West—meaning pres- ent day Manitoba, Saskatchewan, Alberta and the North- The West The Prairies were tied up with the growth of Canadian economy, The plains were spanned by a railroad, the basis for the even- tual ‘opening up’ and develop- ment of the West was laid in 1867. That was historical necessity. it was good, But the way it was done frus- trated those very ends for a gen- eration and until the present day has conditioned the development of the West on the profit inter- ests of Eastern industrialists and financiers who took over the country with Confederation. In the first place, the ‘deposed’ Hudson’s Bay Company was left with large tracts of the best lands and with its fur and trad- ing monopoly, as well as given a generous cash settlement. The CPR got more lands, the trans- portation monopoly and first choice pickings of the natural resources. So the. settlement of ‘the Prairies proceeded slowly because the land was not free—it was held for sale by the big shots. The Ontario militia “volunteers, who were sent to put Riel down, got no farms as their reward; many of them trekked south- ward to get homesteads across the border. The railroad build- ers. (including Chinese coolies) wiped out the buffalo but few of them remained to populate the plains, It wasn’t until the 'nine- ties that the homestead era real- ly opened the gates to Western . development. e Wwe: the change of heart? Hav- ing milked the country dry as its price for building the trans-Canada railroad, the CPR now wanted to cash in via operational profits — freight and passenger. ! So long as the west was sparsely settled the lands held by the CPR, Hudson's Bay Com- “pany et al brought no revenue. Settlement would not only at- tract buyers but would raise the value of these properties as well. The new Hastern manufactur- ers wanted a larger home market for their products. mn Kil Sed Building from the ruins What con happen in germ warfare by Prof. J. B. S. Haldane ® The United States invades Europe JOHN WEIR Rapidly industrializing Europe needed wheat which the slower mechanization of agriculture and the persistence of feudal rela- tions in the agrarian countries of the Old World could not supply. In the meantime, having pushed their frontier all the way back to the Pacific, the enter- prising Americans were begin- ning to push north. If the Can- adians didn’t do something about the Prairies pretty soon, the Yankees would. And, of course, there was al- ready a larger body of people throughout the West, pressing on Ottawa. So a new chapter in the his- tory of the West began. Immi- grants poured in. Homesteads were snapped up. The former grazing grounds of the buffalo were put to the plough and from Lake Superior to the Rockies there was created one vast field of golden wheat. The coal mines were dug to fuel the engines that brought in carloads of im- migrants and took away thous- ands of tons of grain, Cities and towns sprang ground. It was the fulfillment of Con- federation for the West. But.... iY have the winds of re- ‘© bellion blown ever more gustily across the Praries? Why | the seething protest from the days of Riel’s two rebellions to last year’s non-delivery strike? What's eating the West? The financial-industrial East has continually milked the agra- rian West. It was so at the be- ginning. It is so today. The West produces Canada’s No. 1 export commodity—wheat —but it has always been finance capital (Eastern) that dictated the terms and skimmed off the cream. Due to the higher composition of capital in industry (Eastern) and the privileged position of the industrial and financial mag- nates in the seat of power at Ottawa, prices for farm pro- ducts are continuously falling and the prices of machinery and manufactured goods the farmer must buy continually rising. The Western farmer gets it coming and going—in the neck! And he has been fighting back. up from the Forced to subsidize the steel and implements industries of the East, the West even talked of secession to the United States and voted for ‘free trade’ Liber- als as against ‘high tariff’ Con- servatives — until the Liberals came to power and continued the Tory ‘protection’ policy. In order to bring down ,the exorbitant tribute collected by the CPR the West demanded and got a second railroad—but that was soon ‘nationalized’ and coordinated with the CPR, while high and discriminatory freight rates remain to this day. Seek- ing to bring those rates down, the West also turned to Port Churchill and the northern sea route as a way of by-passing the railroad monopolists, but the latter have brought that to nought as they have kept the St. Lawrence Seaway from be- ing built. Seeking to take the market- ing of their produce out of the hands of the financiers and speculators, the Western farm- ers built their Granges and fi- nally set up the then largest network of producer cooperatives in the world—the Pools. They did bring some benefits and still do, but the Canadian (Eastern) and international financiers still rule the roost and make the rules for the ‘game’— and with the coming of the agrarian crisis after World War One they were able to ‘tame’ and subordinate the Pools, generally speaking. to their might. The Winnipeg Grain Exchange, that fantastic, cynical poker game where financiers and spec- ulators (and some of the top strata of farmers) gambled with the Western wheat and its prices, was long the object of the farmers’ wrath. It was fold- ‘ed up during World War Two, but that, of course, did not give the Western farmer control over his produce or its prices. R a generation the West has been seeking new paths of political action to right its grievances. The end of World War One saw the Progressives come to power in Manitoba and the United Farmers in Alberta. The first were ultimately sub- verted back into the Liberal fold and are the conservative provincial government of today via a coalition. The UFA failed to live up to the hopes placed in it and crumpled up in the early years of the economic crisis, giving way to Social Credit, which demagogically promised to slay the dragon of finance capital. And a couple of years ago Saskatchewan ditched the old parties and swept in a CCF gov- ernment. All of these developments were revolts against the ‘Eastern in- terests,’ against the old-line par- ties in power at Ottawa, at- tempts to correct the exploita- tion and cheating of the West. But the situation has remain- ed basically unchanged. ‘Maverick’ provincial adminis- trations are permitted to run their affairs within circum- scribed limits, but once they step out of the field allotted to them and propose anything that even timidly encroaches on the sacred rights of bankers, mort- gage companies, the CPR or the industrialists, a Supreme Court over (Eastern) window. The West ‘has tried economic action via cooperatives. It has tried political action of various kinds. It has elected provincial governments and ‘Western blocs’ to federal parliament. It has sent delegations, it has protested, it has demanded. It has clearly worked out its program for equality within the Confederation, coining the phrase ‘parity prices’ to cover the practical proposals for elos- ing the scissors between agri- cultural and industrial prices, demanding an end to discrimina- tion in freight rates, seeking security of land tenure from the financial sharks, planning to curb the new packing mon-_ opolists, urging the development of industries on the Prairies where coal, oil and potash abide and where wheat itself can be- come the raw material for new industries. It demands a taxation policy where the money collected from the West by Bay and St. James Streets magnates would be returned, at least in part, in the form of social measures. It looks out upon a hungry world and wants policies that would send its wheat and meat throws it out the ‘to Asia and Europe—and pay the West to do it. And all the time it comes up against the opposition of the big interests in the East who are running the federal govern- ments, whether they be Grit or Tory. 'W a new weapon has been added to the Western arse- nal. The non-delivery farm strike is a powerful political- economic weapon. It hits direct- ly where it hurts the big shots most. Western produce is one of the pillars on which the whole of Canadian economy is based. A farm strike shakes the whole _ structure. Last year’s preliminary skirmish caused a lot of headaches at Ottawa, Toronto and Montreal. There is the heavy rumbling of a rising new storm across the — Prairies today as we mark the 80th anniversary of Confedera-_ tion. Is the basis of Confederation crumbling? Is it the West vs. the Hast? No, the storm is brewing all over Canada. The cheated peo- ple of the Maritimes, the mon- oply-hating French Canadians, the gxploited industrial workers of Ontario and British Colum- bia are all getting into moticn and their enemy is the same which has milked the West for so many decades: the industrial- financial overlords of Canada. One of the most significant features of the non-delivery strike last year was that the initiative in the battle for the interests of the West passed into the hands of the working farmers. And in the West itself today there exists a working class too, which is organizing and beginning to demonstrate _ political activity ‘beyond each its own little baili- wick. An alliance of the workers and working farmers in the West “can carry the prairies to a high-_ er plane in the 80-year-old fight. And the alliance of a radical West with the militant legions of labor, with the discontented Maritimers and French Cana- dians, can put a people’s coali- — tion into power in Ottawa which could proceed to satisfy the grievances of the West as part of the national revamping of our : way of life. Confederation wouldn’t die—it would be reborn, better and stronger than before. The very. > articles of Confederation could be brought more up to date to serve that purpose. And the West would at last be in the Confederation as an equal partner—as it should have been from the beginning. quickly _.