' THE MEANING OF _ MAY DAY - By TOM McEWEN gt ae MVP ORS 52 While the tides of battle may ebb and flow, sometimes magnificent in theit intensity to hold and extend gains made, at other times rendered low and listless by countless deadening illusions, the great historical significance of May Day loses nothing of its inspiring traditions. It could not be otherwise because May Day symbolizes almost a century of international working class struggle for human progress, peace, and socialism. * Countless decades before May Day became a symbol of working class struggle for the 8-hour day, decent wages and working conditions, and the right of organization against capitalist industrial slavery, peoples of many lands, in vari- ous ways celebrated May Day as a semi-religious ritual, her- alding the eternal cycle of Spring and the birth of new life. The rivers freéd from the bondage of Winter’s ice, all nature awakening to the new and eternal call of Spring, with, its bountiful promise for all mankind. Primitive man himself performing pagan rites on a May Day which, to him, symbolized a promise of new life. %-%e< aE Because of consistent anti- labor propaganda, aimed pri- marily at creating division in the ranks of labor, the lie keeps being repeatéd that May Day is “a Soviet invention.” It is therefore repeatedly neces. sary to nail this lie, and state again and again what should be universally known — that May Day was officially declar- ed as the workers’ day of struggle in 1886 by the newly created American Federation of Labor, a day marking a focal ~point. in the titanic strug- gles of American labor for the 8-hour day. Lest it be thought that this “Soviet invention” lie is un- worthy of notice, just keep in mind that a powerful trade union bureacracy and _ their political team mates in the ranks of right-wing social dem- ocracy, find this lie a ready excuse for non-participation in May Day celebrations. Discard. ing history, to them May Day is a “Communist” institution, something to be avoided. On that initial May: Day of 1886 for the 8-hour day, Am- erican labor demonstrated in its hundreds of thousands in all great industrial centres. From this mighty struggle came the McCormick Harvest- er Co. strike, with its Hay- market martyrs, victims of capitalist provocation, violence and frameup. The anti-Soviet- eers who distort the origin of May Day, distort the brilliant history of North American labor. Long before 1886 the strug- gle in North America and in other countries for the 8-hour day had been carried on; often marked by intense _ strike struggles and ruthless capital- ist violence against the work- ers. The International Work- ingmen’s Association (First In- ternational) founded by Karl Marx in London, England in 1864, had endorsed eight hours as “the legal working day.” In the U.S., as far back as 1842, organized groups of workers had fought for (and won) the 8-hour day, and an end to the 10, 12 and often 14-hour day prevailing in many industrial hells. Through- out those early years as labor gained new strength through the uniting of its various group- ings in the young American Federation of Labor, the strug- gle for the 8-hour day became a continent-wide issue, involv- ing bitter strike struggles against the ruthless violence of organized capital to hold onto its “vested right” of a 60 and 72-hour week exploitation. Thus May Day grew out of the struggles of the working class on this continent for the 8-hour day. In this tradition May Day became the symbolic day of the entire international working class — adopted as such by the first Congress of the Second International in -Paris, July 14, 1889. A day of stocktaking, of tabulating vic- tories and defeats, of planning for the struggles head; a day of national and international demonstration for the 8-hour day — ‘and the broader de- mands of working class pro- gress and peace, Wont 2 This tradition too, the work- Ing class of Canada have cele- brated May Day for close to three-quarters of a century; to win the 8-hour day, better working conditions, wages com- mensurate with the great wealth they produce, and la- bor legislation that would en- hance the wellbeing, the class interests, and the dignity of working people, The balance sheet for May Dav, 1959 shown many great achievements to the credit of Canadian labor. Its steady pro- gress towards organic unity within a single trade union centre, already embracing over one and a quarter mil- lion workers. Mighty strike struggles in many basic indus- tries, some without a parallel in Canadian labor history; soli. darity on the picket line against organized monopoly’s attacks upon the wages, living stand- ards. working conditions, and partial legislative safeguards —things won through long years of hard struggle and now threatened by concerted gov- ernment-monopoly attacks. The other side of the balance sheet leaves still much to do. Labor’s voice against the cold war, with its threats of nu- clear destruction, and the sur- render of Canada’s indepen- dence, econonry and peace to the dictates of U.S. imperial- ism, is still barely audible. The gains of the past three- quarters of a century made by Canadian labor are now, despite its numerical growth and strength, in danger of be- ing wiped out. We witness government union-busting and ° RCMP violence against strik- ing woodworkers in Newfound- land—aimed at preserving the 60-hour week and peonage’ conditions for the monopoly exploiters of Canada’s youngest province. And in British Columbia, ball _ and - chain legislation known as Bill 43, sired by a Chamber-of-Commerce - Soc- red government, an act which nullifies labor’s right to strike and picket with al] the free- dom, unity, and moral force of labor’s combined numbers. A law designed to bleed labor white in the courts by “legal” blood-letting -—- and sap its strength on the picket line. Newfoundland and British Columbia must be made to serve as a warning for what monopoly and its governments Ah ANAL ADE May Day came out of the struggle for the eight-hour day. have in store for labor—and Liberal, Tory and Socred ) the realization by labor that ernments; the attempts of mon such battles cannot be won in opoly to destroy the fightin; the courts, since) North American work- by a virile labor movement ers had to fight to establish the steeped in the class conscio inalienable rights of the work- ness of national and inte ing class—in defiance of unjust tional unity and solidarity laws, in the face of ruthless which May Day symbolizes. state violence and class-pre- judiced courts, so on this May itical power to:throw back Day of 1959 Canadian labor attacks of monopoly, and ~ must gird itself for tremen- placing the subservient go dous battles for the preserva- ments of the exploiters tion and extension of these the rule of the working peop rights. to speak up, louder, strong truction, with Canada as its peace, progress, and an end experimental “guinea pig” sat- the insanity of imperiali ellite; the deliberate sabotage “brinkmanship.” That is of Canada’s markets, economy essence of May Day 195 and resources by successive the fighting tradition of 18 as ie elan of organized labor— Just as 73 years ago (and these dangers can only be n Use of its economic and po U.S. threats of nuclear des- more vehement than ever - By WILLIAM KASHTAN The issue of Canadian autonomy keeps cropping up in the Canadian trade union movement despite the efforts of the right wing to squelch and discredit it. Recently it — found strong expression -in the United Auto Workers, where a demand developed for a greater say by the Can- adian membership in the determination of bargaining policy. ' Similarly with respect to autonomy for the Canadian © trade union movement. The Canadian Labor Congtess was compelled to take note of this demand in its constitu- ion and call itself an autonomous Canadian trade union centre. But the fact remains that the majority of its affili- ates are not yet fully autonomous and that decisions fecting the Canadian membership are made elsewhere. This situation needs correction, and there is no dow that over the next period of time it will be corrected the Canadian membership in co-operation and agreeme with the membership of the respective unions in th United States. There is equally no doubt that sooner or later ¢ Canadian trade union movement wil] be completely ing pendent. The economic and political interests of the ©; adian working class will determine that. And the soor it comes the better. ae May 1, 1959 — PACIFIC TRIBUNE—PAGE