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CIA subversion in Latin America

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PUT

By G. TIKHONOV

On April 19 Street there is no deafen-
ing noise of buses and cars such as can
be heard in the centre of Montevideo.
There the houses are spaced out from
one another and the trees and plants
are more abundant. I was walking slow-
ly examining the villas on both sides
of the road. I stopped near one of them:
behind the gate, in the garden, two ro-
tating sprays spread myriads of tiny
drops of water which made the turf
scintillate in the sun. At the back of the
garden behind the palm trees was the
villa.

On a little plaque fixed to the iron
grille I could read: “Uruguayan Trade
Union School.” Later I learned from
one of the pamphlets printed in such
profusion by the U.S. Information
Agency in the capital of Uruguay that
this school had been set up in Novem-
ber 1963 and that its main aim. was to
train union leaders in Uruguay.

As for the Uruguayans, they told me
that this “school” ‘had nothing to do
with their country apart from its situa-
tion. The school was set up by the
Americans as a branch of the “Amer-
ican Institute for Free Labor Develop-
ment,” which is in Washington. This
Institute has the reputation of being
one of the most important subversive
American organizations specialising in
dividing the Latin American trade un-
ion movement. It is in the branches of
this Institute, scattered throughout the
continent, that. subversive cadres are
trained.

An Institute of Division

The AIFLD was created in 1962 as a
result of a decision of the leaders of the
AFL-CIO. Although precise details are
lacking, there is every reason to sup-
pose that the Institute, its branches
and many courses have trained about
80,000 active trade unionists. To this
should be added 100 to 150 persons
who follow special courses of three
months in the U.S.A. and those in whom
Washington places its hopes and who
“perfect” their training at the Univer-
sity of Loyola in New Orleans.

This category of student is particular-
ly coddled: in addition to the monthly
bursary and the payment of their fares
they receive a daily sum of 10 dollars,
plus a large sum representing nine
months’ wages at the end ‘of their
course.

Who then keeps up this Institute,
who pays the expenses for the printing
of the many pamphlets, programs and
other propaganda materials? The fact

is that the Institute is an instrument of ~

the U.S. monopolies,. of Washington
and of the reactionary leadership of the
AFL-CIO, headed by George Meany.

The Institute funds total several mil-
lion dollars. According to the American
journalist Stanley Meisler, the Institute
is financed partially by the AFL-CIO
but mainly by the U.S. government
which donates money within the frame-
work of the “Alliance for Progress”
programme.

According to the executive director
of the Institute, William Doherty, be-
tween May 1962 and November 1965,
sixty-two American firms gave the In-
stitute $500,000 to help propaganda in
favor of ‘“‘a modern conception of demo-
cratic unions and to contribute to dev-
eloping and stabilising Latin America.”

We shall see later what is meant by
“democratic union.”

The Rockefeller companies which
show great solicitude for the Institute
are Grace and Company, Standard Oil,
Pan American World Airways, the
United Corporation, International Tele-
phone and Telegraph Corporation and
Anaconda Copper. And this is no acci-
dent. It is sufficient to say that the fifty
or so firms which finance the Institute
investments in Latin America, evaluat-
control two-thirds of all the capital
ed at about 20 thousand million dollars.

But the companies do not limit them- _

selves ‘to giving dollars. Mr. Peter

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Grace, one of the biggest shareholders
of Grace & Co., who possesses big land-
holdings in Peru, represents them on
the management board of the Institute.
This gentleman has the blood of a num-
ber of Peruvian peasants on his con-
science, killed when they were attempt-
ing to take over land in protest against
his inhuman attitude towards them.

It goes without saying that it is not
for philanthropic reasons that these
companies put themselves to this ex-
pense. They are pursuing a very precise
aim.

Henry Woodbridge, President of the
True Temper Corporation, has set out
this aim in the following terms: “‘With-
out the free unions there can be no free
enterprise.” Thomas Mann, former As-
sistant Secretary of State for Inter-
American Affairs, threw aside all diplo-
macy and cynically stated that ‘‘a skil-
ful guidance of Latin American unions
is an inestimable commodity .. . it is
as necessary as investments in this
region.”

This frank comparison by Mann is
revealing. For American capitalists, to
have huge sums devoted to the training
of subversive leaders within the Latin
American unions is a very remunerative
enterprise. That is why they are quite
calm about their millions, well knowing
what is being taught to Latin American
unionists attending courses at the Insti-
tute and its branches. According to
Serafino Romualdo, Director of the In-
stitute and subversive agent within the
Latin American trade union movement,
the main creed of the Institute is “‘the
conception of cooperation among dif-
ferent economic elements of society.”
For the management of the Institute the
idea of a rapprochement between work-
ers and employers, in other words, the
idea of ‘‘social peace” is the main aim.
It is in this way that the Mellons,
Rockefellers, and Fords, and others,
present the “present-day democratic
union” which is the capitalist’s dream.

Class Collaboration

The study program of the fifteen
branches of the Institute and the con-
tent of the handbooks used by their
students preach the idea of class colla-
boration and social harmony. It is said
that nothing convinces better than
facts. So let us look at the facts. Take
for instance the handbook, ‘“‘The Bases
of the Economy,” the author of which
is an Argentinian, Cesar Rodriguez. On
pages nine and ten where the question
of wages is dealt with the author advo-
cates the so-called “wages fund” theory
according to which the bigger the finan-
cial means of a firm the bigger will be
the wages fund. In other.words, they
would like to inspire the worker with
the thought: “Work harder so that your

boss may have more money, and then

you will also have more.”

At first sight this theory seems in-
offensive. However, it is sufficient to
look at the facts to understand the
hypocrisy of it and its complete false-
ness. Denouncing the lie put forward in
the handbook, the journal of the Gen-
eral Confederation of Labor of Argen-

_ tina writes that in that country, for
‘instance, profits of the big monopolies ~~ ~~

PACIFIC TRIBUNE—FRIDAY, DECEMBER 4, 1970—-PAGE 8

Li tL Lit

last year increased by between 25%
and 40% in relation to the preceding
year, and that the foreign monopolies
took out of the country the biggest sum
in recent years. As for the workers of
Argentina, their wages have not risen
by. one peso. And so the invitation to
the worker to work more zealously
only benefits the bosses, bringing noth-
ing to the worker. Even at that, if
workers succeed in getting an increase
in wages, it is against the will of the
employers’ and thanks to their strike
actions. In short, the theory of the
“wages fund” only teaches the worker
to sweat blood. And that is called
“community of interests.”

The same handbook recommends
active trade unionists to inculcate res-
pect for their employers in the minds
of the workers and, to be sure, for the
American companies; not to oppose dis-
missals, to maintain “peace” in enter-
prises and to work in the interests of
the “common cause.” It goes without
saying that the handbook furnishes no
explanation of this “common cause.”

What is there in common between
the interests of a Venezuelan oil work-
er and those of the American oil king
Rockefeller who enriches himself by
exploiting the oil workers of Venezuela?
Nothing. The attempt to state the con-
trary is to make a public fool of oneself.
That is why the author takes good care
to go no further than. his gratuitous
allegation of the existence of a “com-
mon cause.”

To judge by the manual and the re-
marks of U.S. statesmen and business-
men, the American monopolies not only
intend to transform the Latin American
workers into slaves of capital, but to
make them shout “Long Live the
Bosses!”’

Links With the CIA

However, the subversive activity of
the U.S.A. within the Latin American
trade union movement is not limited to
that. According to the Argentinian
journal “CGT,” the Institute and its
branches are used by the CIA for es-
pionage purposes. -

It is notorious that CIA agents took
part in the military coup d’état in Brazil
as a result of which President Joa Gou-
lart was overthrown. Agents of the
American Secret Service inside the
unions of Guyana were involved in the
overthrow of the Jagan Government.
The recent rebuff suffered by William
Cheppers, a CIA agent in Peru, shows
that the CJA is continuing its subver-
sive activity within the Latin American
unions. This knight of the cloak and
dagger led the organization known un-
der the name of “Factory Protection”
which trained private police for manu-
facturers. At the same time he led a
network of secret agents whose mis-
sion was to conduct subversive activity
within the unions with a view to hin-
dering the formation of big unions and
preventing workers becoming conscious
of their power. Recently Cheppers was
exiled from Peru.

But how many other Cheppers carry
on their activity in other Latin Amer-
ican countries?

While training“its “strong-arm men’ © -

UUURRRRRERERERREREEEED

within the unions of Latin America, thé
CIA does not act in isolation. Its agents
maintain close contacts with Americal
embassies. ;
Two years ago when I was in Chile ]
often heard it said that officials of the
American embassy recruited local tradé
unionists for CIA training schools if
Puerto Rico. At that time it was Lestet
Spellman, an official of the embassy
responsible for trade union questions) ©
who was in charge of recruitment
Spellman’s office was on the ninth floot
of a building at 1343 Agustinas Street.
It was from this office that he sent in
vitations to trade union organizations
whose leadership, in his opinion, was
anti-communist. It should be said that
to be appointed as being responsible
for trade union questions in an Améet-
ican embassy, approval had to be give?
by Jay Lovestone, the head of the Inter
national Department of the AFL-CIO,
an experienced saboteur who has com
tacts with the CIA.
In the same way as Spellman in Chile;
others responsible for trade union ques’
tions in American embassies operate if
other Latin American countries. '
For subversive activities within thé
Latin American trade union movement
the American monopolies, the AFL-CIO
leaders and the CIA made wide use 0
the Inter-American Organization of La
bor (ORIT). We will deal later with it
subversive activity. For the moment ? |
would like to return to the Trade Unio!”
School in Uruguay on April 19 Street
and deal with the concrete facts of thé
subversive and divisive activity of thé
American imperialist agents in cout
tries south of the Ro Grande. :

Through the U.S. Embassies
Candidates for the school on April 19 }
Street are selected with great car® |
Students follow courses from Monday
to Friday. Every Saturday they work if |
enterprises and official offices. A larg®
number of students continue their stu
dies in the U.S.A. a

One of the principals of this school
an official of the American embassy |
who at the same time represents thé
American Institute for Free Labor Dev’ |
elopment in Uruguay. To this can be-
added the fact that it is the branch 0 —
the National City Bank in Montevide® —
which pays the bursaries to students: —
The same functionary of the U.S. Em
bassy signs the bursary cheques.

It is inthis way that the fifth colum?
within the Uruguayan labor movement —
is created. The splitters trained by thé
school on April 19 Street apply them”
selves to dividing and weakening thé
Convention, the trade union organiZ@
tion of Uruguayan workers which 0
ganizes the overwhelming majority of
workers. Despite that, their divisiv®
activity is unsuccessful. The union’
affiliated to the Convention defend clas*
positions and reject the theory of clas
collaboration which is foreign to thé
working masses.

I could cite other facts about the sub
versive activities of the U.S.A. withil
the Latin American trade union mov&
ment. Just as in the school on April }
Street, subversives are trained at thé
school in Cuernavaca, about a hundre
kilometres from Mexico City, at schools ;
in Chile, Argentina and other countrie>

Divisive activity is carried on
means of a vast network of schools and
diplomatic representatives. There 4
quite a number of examples of dire
interference by American embassies
the affairs of the Latin American tra

-_ union movement.

The fact that the propaganda matel |
ial distributed in the name of ORIT
among local trade unions comes from |
the U.S. Embassy bears witness to th® |
existence of close relationships betwee?
this splitting organization and ¢
American Embassy. During my journey®
throughout Latin America I often sa”
parcels with ORIT propaganda material
bearing the stamp of a United State®
Embassy.’ ; :

’,