HomU OE OTAGO TKO TVR OT| TO The Canadian Labor ciple. They are conventions. announces the formation John Fryer, president Government Employees’ beginning in Toronto on Ottawa June 21-22. it that some unaffiliated is silent on this matter. Citizenship, raised are any other constitutional matters of concern. lates. CLC part of the campaign to groom him for the office. Congress obviously doesn’t believe in the “‘three strikes and you're out’’ prin- coming back to the affiliates for a fourth time to try for a bloc-voting system at CLC A letter from the CLC executive to all affiliates of a Commission on Con- stitution and Structure under the chairmanship of of the British Columbia Union. The Commission will be crossing the country hearing representations April 21-22 and ending in The Commission will hear representations from all affiliated bodies of the CLC, from provincial federa- tions to local unions as well as individuals. Rumor has unions will be invited to ap- pear before the Commission but the call from the CLC Its terms cover a look see at the codes of Union Organizing Practices, Ethical Practices and Canadian Standards of Self Government. Also these points: whether the constitution should protect a union’s jurisdiction when a plant transfers its operations; compulsory membership in labor councils and provincial federations; either limit- ing the number of resolutions any union could submit, or alternately excluding debate at any convention to resolutions reaffirming existing CLC policies. Lastly, When it’s all said and done, however, it would hh appear that the CLC leadership is concemed with two major questions. One is the bloc-voting proposition, the otheris finding a mechanism whereby many unions now outside the Canadian Labor Congress could be brought in without raising the hackles of existing An interesting side light on the matter is why John _Fryer should be chairman of the Commission. Origi- nally Donald Mentgomery, secretary treasurer of the was to have been chairman. There is some speculation that Fryer is being touted to replace Montgomery at the next CLC convention and this is ' . «| Labor in action | | William Stewart oa Eo In the year between now and the convention the questions raised by the CLC executive are sure to create a hot and useful debate among the affiliates and hopefully lead in the direction of strengthening the character and unity of the trade union movement in Canada, French and English-speaking alike. About one question however there is no room for waiting and watching, that is the area of bloc-voting. The Canadian Labor Congress is unique in the ad- vanced capitalist countries in its rank and file demo- cratic structure. With the exception of the Building- Trades-International unions, and a few of the other international unions in Canada, this kind of structure is common to the Canadian trade union movement. It makes up, in some degree, for the lack ofa grass roots structure in most unions, such as the shop steward movement in Britain. In the Canadian Union of Public Employees, for example, the provincial and Canadian conventions are quite effective models of rank and file participation. The in-between operation of the union on the other and is most bureaucratic and largely outside the control of the membership. If the character of the conventions, for example, were to be changed, the major lever in the hands of the membership would be removed. 2 It is precisely in this direction that the CLC Execu-~ tive seems hellbent to take the movement. Their argument for introducing the question for yet a fourth time is that a majority of the delegates support the measure. It takes a two-thirds vote to change the constitution and not many more than 60% of the dele- gates voted for the proposed amendments at previous conventions. The answer of the membership to the CLC should be made unmistakable this time. It ~ Bloc voting raises its ugly head again should overwhelmingly reject the bloc-voting pro- Posal and at the same time return an executive thal | will be pledged not to bring it back again. 4 No matter what the proponents of bloc-voting says it has one, and only one main aim. To make it possible for, large affiliates to send a small number of top of ficials to conventions who can cast the vote for the entire membership in such a way as to strengthen thei! _ control of their respective unions and the CLC. It would ensure that no more Jean-Claude Parrots oF Dave Werlins would be elected. It would, ina word, begin the process of changing the CLC conventions — from rank and file conventions, to conventions much more controlled by the elected leadership of the CLC and its major unions. At a time when the top leadership of the majority of the Canadian trade unions have demonstrated their singular inability to lead an effective fightback against — a combined company-government offensive, it would be unwise, to say the least, to strengthen their control 4 over the CLC, provincial federations and individual — unions. : Nothing said here should be construed to be an- attack on union leadership, nor an underestimination of the tasks facing them at this time. Rather it is 2 reminder that the nature of the problems facing the trade union and labor movement can’t be solved : today by the kind of bureaucratic unionism all too — common in the past. Be The auto workers found that nothing short of mobil- ization of their entire membership over a long period enabled them to meet the offensive of the auto companies. Instead of trying to frustrate rank-and-file control the CLC should be exploring ways to expand it. This — is a lesson they will have to relearn at the 1984 conven- tion. : Dates of Commission hearings: Toronto April — 21-22, Sudbury May 16, Winnipeg May 17, Regina — May 18, Montreal May 30-31, Whitehorse June 6-7, Edmonton June 8, Vancouver June 9, St. John’s June 13, Halifax June 14, Moncton June 15, Charlottetown _ June 16, Ottawa June 21-22. —_— The On-to-Ottawa trekkers from Southern Ontario had Ken up the challenge of carrying the demands of the ___ unemployed to the R.B. Bennett federal Tory government, _ after the smashing in Regina of the On-to-Ottawa Trek of ofa six-part series, By ALEX McLENNAN __ A report in the Ottawa Citizen of August 9, 1935, describes the trekker’s entry into Ottawa in the following terms: ‘‘Some of the marchers are footsore but their _ Spirits are high as they near the end of their 350-mile walk from the Queen City. Soldier-like, their ranks were ‘never broken, except for the ten-minute break every hour. Heading the parade is Hugh Edmunson of Toron- . — wearing a steel helmet, carries a large Union Jack.”’ _ Marching ina body, still in the front ranks as they had deen since leaving Toronto, came the 25 heroic women marchers, headed by Ann Walters and Lily Himelfarb. he workers from the camps of the surrounding areas were already in Ottawa. They lined both sides of the Streets as a guard of honor to salute the victorious trek- as they marched into Plouffe Park. In contrast to the enthusiastic welcome accorded the trek by the citizens of Ottawa, the press describes the attitude of the government as follows: ‘‘In the corridor (of the parlia- _ Ment buildings) the RCMP had uncoiled the fire hoses _ _ and these lay with nozzles pointed to the doors. To reach THE ON-TO-OTTAWA TREK’ face the fire hose at the main doors.’’* __And again: ‘‘The first sign of the strikers having Teached Ottawa was the changing of the RCMP on duty on the hill, of their scarlet coats for service dress and the donning of revolvers and ammunition pouches.’’** _ The press, which had previously lauded the trekkers for their decorum and discipline, now became hostile and abusive. R.B. Bennett had publicly chastised the press by saying, ‘One of the greatest encouragements PACIFIC TRIBUNE—APRIL 15, 1983— Page 6 the British Columbia relief camp workers. This is the last - Mr. Bennett, the strikers would have to pass the outer _ gate where RCMP reinforcements were waiting, then — ped topple Bennett regime for these men is the publicity they have been receiving.”’ From then on the Star and the Globe (Toronto) ceased to cover the story at all, and the Ottawa Citizen acted as an organ of the federal and provincial governments in vilify- ing the trek. Ewart Humphreys had requested a meeting with the government for Thursday, August 15 , to discuss the seven-point program of the trek. However, Bennett in- sisted that the meeting would take place on August 10, © the very next day. Accordingly, a delegation met with Bennett for the purpose of requesting food and lodging for the marchers. At that time however, the delegation was unable to discuss the seven-point program, because, as Humphreys pointed out to the prime minister: ‘‘The various contingents arriving in Ottawa have not yet had time to discuss the program and I am not authorized to present it until they have done so. My only-request at this time is for food and lodging while we are in Ottawa.”’ The prime minister refused to provide food and lodg- ing. He refused to agree to a meeting on August 15 and was adamant in his refusal to supply return transporta- tion for the trekkers at the conclusion of negotiations. Tremendous Support It was clear that the government intended to starve the trekkers out of Ottawa before the program could be discussed. All three levels of government — municipal, provincial and federal — united in refusing food and lodging. Ottawa officials tried to find a legal means of ejecting the trekkers from their campsite, but were unsuccessful. The city refused permission for a tag day and banned all canvassing of local merchants for food. However, there was such an outcry from Ottawa citizens - that the City was forced to designate its 11 fire stations as collection depots for food and funds to support the trek. On the evening of August 10, 10,000 Ottawa citizens attended a meeting to hear Ewart Humphreys and Lily Himelfarb outline the purpose and program of the trek. The people responded with enthusiasm and tremendous support. Meanwhile the Trek Committee continued to press the government for a meeting on August 15. But on August 13 the press reported the dismaying news that parliament would be dissolved on the following day, and that elec- tions would be called for the 14th of October. This meant f that there was no longer a government with which te negotiate. It was apparent that the government’s refusal to discuss the seven-point program and its secrecy regarding the preparations for the dissolution of parlia- ment had been well planned. The marchers now realized that nothing more could be done to advance the aims of the movement. They broke camp and began the return to Toronto on foot. At the city limits they were met by a large detachment of provincial police who walked alongside of the trek, brutally shoving and pushing the marchers to the side of the road. This was a blatant attempt to provoke an ‘“‘incident’’ which would serve as a pretext for a bloody attack on the marchers. But the trekkers avoided these provocations with the same discipline that had characterized theif | actions from the beginning. : During each of the two nights which followed their departure from Ottawa, and in spite of police attempts to prevent it, the marchers in groups of 70, quietly slipped away and disappeared under cover of darkness. They boarded freight trains en route to Toronto. Right up to the conclusion of the march, the trekkers maintained their discipline and carried out this last manoeuvre in an organized manner and under the direction of the Trek Committee. : End of Iron Heel Bennett The On-to-Ottawa Trek had come to an end, but its impact on the political life of Canada continued. The 14th of October; 1935, saw the end of R.B. Bennett’s iron heel government and its policy of hunger, police terror and deportations. Section 98 of the Criminal Code was re- pealed. The slave camps were closed. The newly-elected Liberal government of MacKenzie King, the man who had said: ‘‘Not one five-cent piece for the unemployed’, was forced by public pressure to institute a form of unemployment insurance. : The trekkers of Ontario, together with the trekkers of western Canada and Regina, had won their detiands. — Marching at the head of the working class, they had written a new page in the history of the Canadian labor ‘movement. Their contribution will live as an example of _ workers’ solidarity, heroism and self-sacrifice. “Toronto Star, August 9, 1935. “Ibid.