The
to it

Special to the Tribune

Despite the strength of the
Italian labor movement, the state
destroys wage increases. The

wage “‘escalator’’ is slowed down .

by the diminishing proportion of
net income available to the work-
ers relative to the inflation-linked
gross income. Labor is thus ex-
pensive for industry, and yet the
social services are both costly and
inadequate. Un- and under-
employment are worse than in
‘any other European Economic
Community country. The state’s
strategy, therefore, for the
moment requires support of
labor’s demands for an invest-
ment policy, greater employment
opportunity and industrial effi-
ciency, for which it has made
concessions to secure greater
mobility of labor. The Com-
munist Party is demanding formal
and practical, financial recogni-
tion by the state of the programs
of reform already initiated by left
administrations in the cities and
regions. :

OOOUGREUEGEAAUUUEERGRULOEAUGROUROUURUOGAERGGEOUOOOERNUELS

(This concludes an article
which began in the previous
issue with a discussion of the
‘Communist Party of Italy’s
four main areas of concern in
the current election cam-
paign.)
CREREURUERGEUUECORENAUGUGOGEDEEREUORUUDGEDRLEUOGUERAONLNL
The Communists’ Euopean
policy requires democratization
of the EEC’s institutions, a shift
of emphasis away from Brussels
as the bureaucratic centre of
agricultural policy and pricing,
greater use of the European
parliament, expansion of the EEC
to other Mediterranean countries,
and more cooperative relations
with the non-industrial world.

Internally, the political mes-
sage insists on “‘higher public
morality ... consisting in always
placing first the awareness of the
general interests of the collective,

to which are subordinated not
only personal interests but also
those of group, social category,
and political party.”

Great Possibilities

In short, Christian Democracy
is seen as the immediate and re-
movable cause of: the crisis.
Despite ‘‘grave dangers of repres-
sion and barbarism, there are new
and great possibilities of advances
to democracy and socialism.”
Maintenance of the existing inter-
national “position of Italy will
avoid endangering detente, and

assist the cause of European in-

tegration. The prospect is one of a
new equilibrium and stability, and
a policy of self-reliance which will
help to undo the damage caused
by the Christian Democratic state
and its U.S: backers.
However, even if the Com-
munist Party adds 5%, and- the
Socialists 2% (at present the most

optimistic forecast), to last year’s |
vote, there is no assurance of a |
government of the left — even.

with a 51% popular majority.
The initial reaction of the

Communists was to play down }

background

aly‘s elections

suggestions of a grand coalition of
the two largest parties, to a dis-
credited caretaker Christian
Democrat government under
Communist instruction. At all
events, the least likely outcome
was commonly held to be a
majority Christian Democrat
government, or old-style. centre-
left coalition. — ;

As the campaign develops,
however, there may well be an
accelerated movement to the left
— a calculation -already being
made by other European gov-
ernments. Further disclosures of
corruption, the temporary nature
of a tourist boom constructed on
devalued currency, and the in-

any notion that the election was a Bi

referendum of communism
versus anti-communism, rather
than a specific response to an

acute crisis. However, the *

Christian Democrats present. a
challenge that must be answered.

It is precisely on the issues of FF?

open government and respect for }
democratic rights that the Com- .

munists are strong and the
governing party weak. Yet, with
the Chilean experience still firmly

in mind, the Communists have to
_keep their electoral proposals #

modest and realistic, and to avoid

the possibility of backlash — .~

whether of disillusion or sub-
version. ;
Left Possibilities Increase

Initially, a government of the
left seemed a less likely outcome,
irrespective of the popular vote,
than a government of the centre-
left, open to the Communists.
Variations on this theme ran from

*

tions in Italy.

STIA AN

“ROSSAN

Celebrating the Communist Party victory In last year’s regional elec-

evitable exposure in the campaign

of the tough hides of Christian
Democratic dinosaurs, have in-
creased the possibility of a gov-
ernment of the left.

Technical factors, such as the
use of a new (1971) census in pre-
paring the electoral lists, and
population shifts in favor of the
industrial north, tend to favor the
left — although the alignment of

new young voters (voting at 18 for .

the chamber: but still 25 for the
senate) is uncertain, though elec-
torally significant.
System an Embarrassment
The European significance of
the elections is, of course, more
extensive than the question of
which of many roles the Com-
munists may play in the legisla-
ture. Under the pressure of crisis
and misgovernment, large num-
bers of people not normally allied
with the working class, have
turned to the leadership and
probity of a Communist Party, at
once forcing other governments
to accept its probable formal or

Ich

.

Angolan non-alignment possible —
only with friendship of socialism

(Interview granted by Lopo do

- Nascimento, member of the -

politbureau of the Popular
Movement for the Liberation of

Angola (MPLA) central commit- »

tee and prime minister of the
People’s Republic of Angola, to
correspondents of Novosti Press
Agency and Jornal de Angola.)

Question: Comrade Prime
‘Minister, how do you assess the
results of your visit to the USSR
and what importance will they
have for the further promotion of
relations between the two
countries?

_. Lopo do Nascimento: The
results of our visit to the Soviet

Union are, no doubt, positive.
During the talks and the tour of
the country we saw that the rela-
tions. between our peoples and
our countries have become more

stable and contacts between the
Communist Party of the Soviet
Union and the MPLA have
further strengthened.

Soviet-Angolan relations are
making particularly successful
headway since the proclamation
of our independence. Back in the
years of the national-liberation
struggle we established good rela-
tions with all the socialist coun-
tries, the Soviet Union being the
main material and ideological
basis of the socialist community.
The USSR granted the People’s
Republic of Angola practical
assistance in the implementation
of the plans of building socialism
in our country. —

We can state firmly that our
visit to the Soviet Union will
prove a mighty impetus for the
development of Soviet-Angolan
relations.

PACIFIC TRIBUNE—JUNE 11, 1976—Page 6 _

Q: Your stay in the Soviet
Union coincided with the week of
solidarity with the struggle waged
by the-peoples of southern Africa
for freedom and independence.
What significance do you attach
to international solidarity with the
people’s struggle for freedom?

Lopo do Nascimento: Inter-

national solidarity is the main

factor in the peoples’ struggle for
peace, freedom and indepen-
dence, and for the strengthening
of national independence. Today

- one cannot live an isolated life in

the world. Each state should

‘enter into contacts with other

countries. Friendly relations be-
tween the People’s Republic of
Angola and the socialist commun-
ity are of great importance for
strengthening our independence.
International solidarity is of in-
estimable significance for the

peoples fighting for indepen-
dence. We hope that this inter-
national solidarity will continue to
strengthen.

The forces of reaction and fas-
cism hatch plots against the
peoples, making it imperative that
all peoples, and all progressive
forces consolidate their unity.
Only unity will enable ‘them to
successfully oppose reaction.

They should strengthen their -

unity with all the liberation
movements, with all the peoples
fighting against fascist and other
reactionary regimes.

Q: The PRA is one of the
youngest non-aligned states. In
your opinion, what significance
does the alliance with the socialist
world have for the non-alignment
movement in the anti-imperialist
struggle?

_lar vote.

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§ of resolving the current crisis. —

‘of reasoned argument and effi- -

. socialism. We are rightfully com: |

informal involvement in govern-

ment, and threatening. th
“political space”’ of Europe’s
cial democrats. a
' Déspite suggestions that. th
pressure of Communists on gov- |)
ermments is welcome to some in- |
dustrialists, and that ‘‘Euro-
communism’’ is acceptable to
‘*modemizing capitalism’’, theré
is no doubt that the existing sys-
tem has become an embarrass: | p
ment and difficulty to those who D

’ profitted from it and criticized it Jp,

only when its end was signalled. |

Christian Democracy is not @ | \
conservative, still less a catholi¢ | 4
mass party — by chance suffering | g,
a temporary leadership problem } jj
and a political crisis engineered | 4
by its former Socialist partners. | 5,
Rather, Christian Democracy is 4 j
system of power, exploiting tradi- re
tional religion in the service of
state-monopoly capital, building |},
semi-feudal system of private and | ;,
above all public patronage, | ,
capable of surviving ‘the ruin of | p
the productive elements of the |),
Italian economy. It is still an open
question whether the erosion of | ;,
this monstrous mountain can Be | g
accomplished by 51% of the popu- —

Alternative System

preparing an emergency trans- |
fusion for a desperately weak
patient — the Italian economy,
whose subordinate position with- |
in European capitalism logically | y
and historically leads to a poor |¢
competitive position in Europé tt
and a subsequent outflow of its |T
capital to fuel the economies of —
North America. i
The democratic conquest of —
power in Italy remains a long and
uncertain process, since the ©
weakness of the economy has

sitic nature of the state system.. —
As Lucio Lombardo Radice
has recently expressed it, every- ©
one knows that without the
Communist Party there is no hope

However, this involves breaking |
link by link the Christian Demo- | p
crat ascendancy — and by means | }
¢
a

cient example. It requires the —
creation of an alternative system
of power, legal and, democratic; |
and in this laborious task the
Italian Communists are proceed-
ing cautiously and. with con |
fidence.

Lopo do Nascimento: First of all
I would like to emphasize that | ;
there is not nor can there be any |
contradiction between the non- —
alignment movement and thé
countries marching alongthe road | p
of socialism. We Angolans be- i

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lieve that the policy of non-
alignment can successfully be
pursued only in conditions of
friendship with the world of ;
socialism. We do not want tO |
depend on international monop- |
olies. In order to practically pul —
sue the policy of non-alignment, —
me must follow the road OF |

sidered one of the staunchest ©
advocates of the non-alignment |
policy in Africa and we can, rely- | t
ing on the socialist system, largelY |
contribute to the successful de —
velopment of the non-alignment ”
movement. : —
The policy of non-alignment
serves as a firm basis for ante”
imperialist and anti-colonia |
struggle, for a struggle against
racism and for attaining genuine ~
national independence. Herei™ |
lies, in my opinion, the mail
significance of the non-alignment | }

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