| TTANVTLTIARETLIVVEU TL URL TAR UA ALAA MAUATNEAUVOVOCO MAQINAOODIAGIOLIPULAVVAVDLL ition TP WORLD Uncertainty and hope By FRED WEIR Mos Tribune Moscow Correspondent F Cow — The demon winter has locked its icy P Upon this city, turning all life into a desperate Stru, Mo as th blo € hardy young portrait artists who, stamping and Wing on their hands, continue to ply their trade on at Square. It is not easy to read the heavily-muffled faces Bele with the weather. Blasting down the broad ume boulevards, it rudely thrusts fingers of frost ine os and sweaters and flings handfuls of snow the faces of shoppers on Kalinin Prospect as well Young Soviets at a rock concert in Moscow: People’s lives wreathed in their own misty breath, but this particular — winter is heavy with uncertainty and hope. Most of the people going about their daily routines — to work or school — are facing the most critical changes of their lifetimes as the USSR poises for an all-or- nothing leap into the future. At this stage there { Unhappy with the op OScow — One fundamental Servation I have made in the SR is that, whatever distortions OViet people have never developed Hae deep feelings of anti-American- M. This is in sharp contrast to , €rican political culture, in which Motion-charged enemy images are Potent and seemingly necessary Symbols. Soviets are taught from a very Young age to identify with working People everywhere, and to draw a Istinction between governments — Which may be bad — and peoples. d Ost of them genuinely believe, €€p in their hearts, that peace, ftiendship and cooperation between Nations is the natural destiny of mankind. Time and time again I neve Seen the instantly warm, curi- -Ous and friendly reaction that most OVviets have for Americans. Nae the two sides now grope to- : ie da new dialogue, the inequalities 3 erent in this situation come out in Me strange ways. Soviets, who ave always been shown only the Smiling face of the U.S. propaganda Machine — the Voice of America, Or instance — with its aura of con- \ SUmer paradise, are seldom able to the cold war may have created, the — discern the razor-sharp ideological knives behind it. In consequence, they are generally unprepared to play hardball, American-style, and still communicate constructively. One illustration of this occurred recently when Ronald Reagan Jr. the president’s son, came to the Soviet Union to do a television documentary for the American Broadcasting Corporation. Now, al- though I haven’t seen it myself, lam told that the series ABC produced is on the whole a positive improvement over previous examples of the “life in the USSR”’ genre. If that’s true, they certainly deserve to be congratulated. Buy young Ronnie also displayed the arrogant, self-righteous and in- tolerant side of American journal- ism. At one point, he demanded an interview with an Afghan war vete- ran. His Soviet hosts arranged this, and brought a young, wheelchair- bound former Soviet army helicop- ter pilot to meet Reagan at the offices of Ogonyok magazine in Moscow. Reagan arrived an hour late for the interview, and began aggressively questioning the young vet, on- camera. Had he taken part in, or witnessed any Soviet atrocities ™~ answers against Afghan civilians? The young man answered no, but he had seen barbarities committed by the Afghan rebels, and offered some descrip- tions of these. Asked how he had received his injuries, the veteran replied that he’d been in a helicopter that was shot- down by an American-made “*Sting- _er’’ missile. At the point, Reagan jumped up, ordered the cameras switched off, declared ‘‘this is all propaganda. No one will believe this,’’ and stormed out of the building. Of the Soviet press, only Ogonyok, in whose offices this in- cident occurred, wrote a tiny information item about it. Even so, many Soviets felt that it was rude and tasteless to have printed such unfriendly things about the Ameri- can president’s son at such an im- portant moment in Soviet-American relations. Weare only left to ask, what might be the reaction of the U.S. press and public in the almost inconceivable event of a Soviet journalist throwing a similar tantrum while interviewing an American, any American? ll be irrevokably transformed . = FW. ] ‘is an Alice-in-Wonderland quality about it for many: Soviets are being asked to believe six impossible things before breakfast. On January 1, the new *‘Law on State Enterprise”’ will come into effect, and the decades-old structures of the command economy will begin to disappear. The whole of Soviet society is about to go into a slow somersault; power, initiative and ideas will flow in entirely new directions, and peoples’ lives will be irrevocably transformed. But last week attention was riveted on an even more immediate miracle. Watching their leader, Mikhail Gorbachev, outline the prospects for a broad strategic accommodation with the United States to NBC’s Tom Brokaw on their evening news program, (Vremia), Soviets digested the hopeful possibility that the long, numbing season of cold war may be finally drawing to a close. Few nations on this earth have suffered so terribly from war; none yearn so intensely for peace as the Soviet people do. It is not so well understood around the world that the burden of the arms race has fallen with disproportionate severity upon the Soviet Union over the past four decades, exacting a heavy price in economic, social and even political development. Soviets understand more clearly than any of us the inverse relationship between military budgets and the quality of life. One significant indicator of how far the changes have already proceeded in the Soviet Union is that we need no longer speculate or generalize about the Soviet peoples’ feelings in these matters. The science of sociology has come out of the closet with a vengeance, and Soviet pollsters are busy measuring attitudes to just about everything. On November 20, a survey commissioned by the Institute for Sociological Studies probed a representative sample of Muscovites on their opinions about the upcoming summit. Eighty per cent reported that they were ‘‘greatly interested’ in what would develop at the meeting. Only five percent said they had ‘‘no interest’’ in it. Of those evincing deep interest, 53 per cent said they hoped for big results from the summit, 40 per cent expected only ‘‘medium-level’’ results > Canadian publishers launch Gorbachev book chet TAWA — Mikhail Gorba- -V Snew book, Perestroika: New W Inking for Our Country and the Orld, was launched in Canada at ame tom here given by Soviet assador Alexei Rodionov. Na brief ceremony at the Soviet assy Dec. 2, copies in both . sh and French were formally 3 Sented to the ambassador by Presentatives of its two distribu- a in Canada: Robert Reed of . pzHenry and Whiteside for the thc Nglish edition, and Manon Raci- St of Flammarion for the French. €ed called the book ‘‘a unique heap unity” for Canadians to Still: from a world leader ““while an a Office... Canadians can get ing =e what the USSR is think- n Stree 9 Cne straight from the “tt Sets forth clearly, he said, see Soviet approach to crucial Toes international relations, a, Uding East-West relations, _ US control and disarmament.”’ | ) ) The merit of Perestroika, said Ambassador Rodionov “‘is that it provides a lucid explanation of and a telling insight into the pro- found changes and broad democratization now occurring in all areas of public life in the USSR.’’ He hoped the book ‘“‘would help Canadians better understand the complex pro- cesses going on in the USSR and the world.” The Russian word perestroika, he continued, means [re- construction, and its worth can be seen by the positive, concrete re- sults that are emerging. “‘One very important aspect of pere- stroika highlighted by this book, Rodionov continued, ‘‘is the mass activization of the human factor in Soviet life .. . it also em- phasizes that the realization of our plans will only occur in condi- tions of world peace.” Recalling that the book makes its appearance just before Mikhail Gorbachev and Ronald Reagan meet, Ambassador Rodionov said he hoped that the sentiments in it will be demonstrated at the sum- mit, ‘‘“where we expect to see the first agreement to eliminate a whole class of nuclear weapons.” Former Canadian agriculture minister Eugene Whelan, who accompanied Gorbachev on his 10-day 1983 tour of Canada, said the book confirms the Soviet leader’s overriding aim: to make the world a better place to live in. ‘“‘What Mikhail Gorbachev is doing now’’, Whelan said, “‘is what we talked about in 1983; his main desire is to create a better place for his people in the Soviet Union, and a better world, a world of peaceful coexistence, for everyone. “T still believe what I told a briefing at External Affairs after his 1983 visit’’, Whelan added. ‘Tf I were running for re-election, I told them then, I wouldn't want to have Gorbachev as my opponent.” Liberal caucus leader Marcel Prudhomme told the reception that he ‘‘hoped every member of the federal parliament would read this important book ... As well as being responsible for their own constituency affairs, they are also responsible for peace, a peace based on mutual respect and co- operation. This is what Gor- bachev sets forward.” The Liberal MP said that so far peace has been based on ‘‘arms and nuclear terror. The time has come for us to do better.”’ Because we want to build understanding and trust between our two countries, Prudhomme continued, “‘this is why we in Canada welcome glasnost. But the real impact of Perestroika, provided that Canadians read it, is that it will help, as Mikhail Gor- bachev hopes, to make the world a safer place.” — M.S. PACIFIC TRIBUNE, DECEMBER 16, 1987 e 23 arr yg