LABOR Special to the Tribune LONDON — The British min- es strike against the Thatcher government’s gutting of the coal industry and tens of thousands of miners jobs is gathering broader Support as the Tory government unleashes a more brutal and vio- lent stage in its war against them. As the miners stuck to their guns refusing to negotiate a single pit closure With the government- run National Coal Board, the NCB backed by the government and its Police continues to try to shift coal around the country to various plants which haven't as yet joined the strike. Ina scene described by miners’ president Arthur Scargill as ‘‘al- most unbelievable”’ in its brutal- ity, May 30, club swinging police. mounted on horses charged a crowd of some 7,000 miners pic- keting the Orgreave coking plant. British Steel Corporation, in an act of class solidarity with the Tory NCB coal bosses ordered coking coal from the Orgreave plant for use in its Scunthorpe steel mill. The miners point out that the Scunthorpe mills already were THATCHER LAUNCHES ATTACK ON MINERS Appeal for picket support getting enough coking coal by an agreement with the Triple Al- liance of miners, railway workers and the steel workers to prevent any damage to the steel furnaces. The miners who turned out at Orgreave to block the shipment were confronted by mounted police, riot squads and guard dogs. Scargill Arrested The following day Scargill him- self was arrested outside the Or- greave gates and within hours more than 3,000 demonstrators were again on the streets battling _ the police. Lengths of wire were strung across the roads at the height of riders necks and tele- phone poles were knocked down and used as battering rams against police lines. The NCB’s plans could see as many as 180,000 jobs disappear as the Tory government seeks to rationalize the coal industry at the people’s expense. Scottish NUM leader Mick McGahey released a secret NCB document May 30 that showed the possible slashing of 4,000 miners jobs in Scotland over the next two year. The NUM has offered its own comprehensive alternative to the pit closures that would modernize the industry and create jobs on the basis of Britain’s unlimited coal reserves. This includes liquification — turning coal into oil — combined heat and power, using the heat from coal fired power stations to pipe into schools, hospitals, factories and homes as another heating source, and cancellation by the govern- ment of the multi-billion dollar coal debt. Further the NUM points out that more than $2 billion has al- ready been lost to the British economy in lost production, and that this amounts to about six times what it would cost to keep the threatened pits open. Meanwhile solidarity for the miners is gathering strength throughout Britain with practical aid to the miners and their families as well as picket line support being organized. June 12 has been set as a Day of Action in Wales in support of the NUM’s campaign to save the pits and preserve the jobs of future generations of British miners. 3 Police arrest mine workers leader Arthur Scargill (right) injured striker being led away following mounted charge by cops. Be _ Move into action on CLC program In 1982 the leadership of the Canadian Labor Congress led the 14th convention in Winnipeg to a militant unanimous decision for a united fight against concessions and wage controls. Ei In 1984 it was the delegates to the 15th CLC con- vention in Montreal who provided the leadership to forge a nine-point Action Program to provide the offensive and defensive muscle to power labor’s fightback over the next two year period. What a difference two years can make. It was by and large, a weak and flabby leadership which presided over this convention, more intent on getting through and getting re-elected than in uniting, expanding and mobilizing its ranks for mass struggles against the insatiable greedy offensive of monopoly. President McDermott, who opened the 1982 con- vention with an inspiring call for action and unity, led off the 1984 convention with an unconvincing defence of the execulive’s actions over the past two years and alengthy reiteration of his thesis that the solution to all labor’s problems lies in the re-election of the NDP. It Temained for the 2,400 delegates to take the con- vention back to its 1982 militancy and unite the move- ment around a nine-point Action Program, which can put the trade unions where they belong, at the head of a passive fightback by labor and all democratic Cana- ns. x The importance of recording the source of impetus for the fightback action program lies, not so much in placing either blame or glory, but rather in pinpointing what is needed to ensure the plan is put.into action. Affiliates Fought Concessions If anyone should say it is cynical to even suggest, when the ink is not yet dry on the Action Program, that the leadership cannot be trusted to carry it through, let us oe ourselves what happened to the decisions of It is true there was a fairly good record in Canada on rejecting concessions. However, there is not too much to show that this resulted from any massive intervention by the CLC leadership. ; Rather the minutes of the CLC executive, as well as materials and directives issued by the Congress leader- ship between 1982 and 84 would lead one to the con- clusion that while the no concession call was issued by the convention, it was carried through, by and large, by each of the affiliates, largely under the inspiration pro- vided by the UAW which broke with its U.S: leadership and stood its ground, largely, against concessions in Canada. William Stewart On the second and equally important question of wage controls the Congress leadership gave no leadership whatsoever. Mass action and campaigns indicated at the 82 convention never materialized and it was a divided and demoralized movement which stood by while governments connived with big business to rob them of gains made over many years. No single question so seriously weakened the spirit of the Canadian trade union movement than this dismal response to monopoly’s attack. It was however not even mentioned in. Dennis McDermott’s opening address. It was as if it had not even happened. We remind ourselves of this at this time because it is the same leadership, less Jean-Claude Parrot, which is to be in charge of an even more ambitious fightback pro- gram whose intent is to turn things around for the work- ing people. Hard-Headed Realization What is involved here is not cynicism but hard-headed realization that the same kind of pressure exerted by the delegates to this convention which brought forth the Action Program, will be required immediately and con- sistently if the program is to be carried through. It was in this very spirit that J.C. Parrot took the floor after his narrow defeat for re-election, to call for the united effort | of all the affiliates to breathe life into the decisions of the convention. In his opening address Dennis McDermott indicated he would be open to suggestions for a fall conference of all affiliates to plan a campaign for the shorter work week in Canada. He should be besieged with requests for such a campaign. When is the March for Jobs to be held — this fall? since it is to be preceded by provincial marches and local marches there can be no time wasted in announcing the date and beginning the plans. What are the concrete proposals for the organization of the unorganized to be undertaken by the CLC? So far it has left this entirely up to provincial federations. Now it is committed to act. When? Where? How? What about the organization of the unorganized promised in the pro- gram? How about action to bring in the many unions unaffiliated to the Congress, kept out because of juris- dictional inner disputes? Here too the Congress leadership has been instructed to act quickly and decisively. What about the Solidarity Coalitions which the ‘Congress has been instructed to help organize and strengthen? The list goes on. : The program decided on by the convention requires a leadership committed to mass, united, militant workers struggle. Events and experience has proven that a clear majority of the present executive would just as soon fry in hell as lead such battles. Clearly it will require the intervention of the rank and file and local union leader- ship, all the progressives, and not least of all the very influential Action Caucus, to reinforce those healthy elements on the executive who support the Action Pro- gram and want to see it carried out. By themselves they cannot do it, with mass pressure from below they can force the leadership to carry through on the decisions of the convention. Into Action Now! There was a peculiar quality to the recent convention, almost as if it were sort of primary for the next CLC convention where it is expected President McDermott will step down and a new leadership will emerge. The vote recorded for Joy Thorkelson an officer of the United Fisherman’s union against Jack Munro, head of the west coast IWA gave some indication of the feelin of the delegates. : Sister Thorkelson is a powerful young militant trade union leader, but relatively unknown in CLC circles. She polled 874 votes, out of some 1,900 delegates who voted : in the election for general vice-president. - This clearly showed the displeasure of the delegates with thekind of labor statesmanship expressed by Munro, and it must be said, many other top leaders. of the CEC: : ; The next convention in 1986 is likely to go much further in dealing with this process of change in the trade union movement in Canada. The leadership will indeed be judged by how they react collectively, and as in- dividuals to the fine Action Program inspired by the delegates to the 1984 convention. : More importantly, however, the entire fightback movement and the living, working and social conditions of all Canadian working people will be affected by the success of the program. ~ The issue is far too important to be left, alone, in the hands of the executive, or executive council of the CLC: Into action now for the CLC Action Program! PACIFIC TRIBUNE, JUNE 13, 1984 e 7