’ a>) 7 iD TRY 2 CENTENNIAL DISCUSSION, The Canadian Tribune’s Centennial Discussion, held last Sun- day at Palermo, was described by Tribune editor and chairman, Rae Murphy, as the first of such events which will be sponsored by this paper Speakers included William Kashtan, leader of the Communist Party, who’ dealt with Canadiun-U.S. relations, Claire Dasylva, member of Quebec, who dealt with French the national committee of -English Canadian relations and the Communist Party of Vladimir Sushchenko, of the Institute of World Economics and International Relations in Moscow, who spoke on 50 years of the Soviet economy. Excerpts from the speeches are given on this page. The ses- sions were concluded by the presentation by the Living Theatre of Toronto of the mime which they had taken to Expo condemning Canadian complicity in the war in Vietnam. AN Canada over the next period of time assert its genuine national indepen- dence and sovereignty or are we fated by geography, by econo- mics and by politics to be em- braced more and more by the United States and eventually lose our identity and our exist- ence as a separate state? I think it could be said that in some respects we are at a new and much more dangerous stage of relationships between our country and the United States. This arises from the gen- . # eral crisis of imperialism itself which on the one hand leads American imperialism, because of defeats of its foreign and economic policy, to turn to- wards strengthening its econo- mic, political and military con- trol of Canada while at the same time the developments of a re- volutionary character on a world scale tends to stimulate the sen- timents and consciousness of Canadians that we should assert our full independence and sov- ereignty. Our approach on the question of independence does not lead in the direction of strengthening Canadian monopoly and streng- thening capitalism in Canada. What we strive for in the strug- gle for genuine independence, is sovereignty which would ensure that the Canadian people be- come masters of their own des- tiny, and achieve control of the Canadian economy. There are some points ‘of dif- ference in the labor and demo- cratic movement on this ques- tion. In the New Democratic Party there is a viewpoint ex- pressed of advancing the fight for Canadian independence. But if you look into the program and positions of the NDP you would have to conclude that they have not yet deepened their approach sufficiently. Because when the NDP convention in effect refuses to take up and fight for nationa- lization as a means of wresting control of American corpora- tions and giving it to the Cana- dian people, they in effect are taking the position in which they say, “well, we are opposed to American control over the Canadian economy, but we are not opposed to Canadian mono- poly control over Canada.” By begging the issue of na- tionalization which I think in sw ws stems from an opportunist je A AUSIOT Dit! DAT ext ~ W090 M Yate approach — that they will get more votes by not fighting for nationalization—they are at the same time taking away the heart of the fight to check and control American domination over our country. How would we weaken Ameri- can ‘control except by taking it out of their hands? The question of whether you can achieve the independence of Canada short of WILLIAM KASHTAN nationalization has not been proven. When it is advanced in some circles, also of’ the NDP, that we should strive for the merger of small industries into big in- dustries, to help monopoly to concentrate, what they are say- ing in effect is that their aim is not to bring about a fundamen- tal change of relationships in Canada but to strengthen Cana- dian monopoly interests over American monopoly interests. While to some people it may seem progress to have that, for ° the mass of the working people, for the working class it will not mean very much if they are ex- ploited by Canadian monopoly or exploited by American mono- poly. So that if we are to achieve steps that would lead to bring- ing about a change in the rela- tions between Canada and the United States and to strengthen the independence of our coun- try, one of the most important things is at this stage, short of socialism, democratic. nationali- zation. : Theré is another view that is advanced. That is the view held by the ultra-left which takes the position that it is wrong and harmful to undertake a struggle against American imperialism and American control over the Canadian economy. Their view is that the struggle is against monopoly in Canada and we should ignore completely the ex- tent to which the U.S. is able to strengthen its control over the Canadian economy. We can- not agree with this point of view which is a dangerous one, which fails to see that on this issue of the struggle to bring about a changed relationship be- tween Canada and the U.S., to strengthen the independence of our country, there is the basis around which to unite wide sec- tions of the Canadian people in a genuine struggle against nono- poly, Canadian and American alike, and to strengthen the de- mocratic forces of our country leading eventually to being able to achieve a.democratic majority in parliament. IFTY years ago, the Soviet people, led by the Commun- ist Party, began to_change their society and even themsel- ves. We had at our disposal a big country. First of all we had to over- come our great backwardness. Prerevolutionary’ Russia, while third in world population, only ranked fifth in industrial output. Productivity was extremely low, but what ‘productivity can one expect in a country where 80 percent of the population was illiterate? Before the Second World War the first and second five year plans had proved the Soviet eco- nomy’s rapid growth. The Soviet - Union became an_ industrial power. In the post-war years the economic development con- tinued at a growing tempo: In some spheres we. scored a num- ber of firsts. For example, we were first in the utilization of nuclear en- ergy for electric generation, and we are proud, of course, that the first man in space was a Soviet mat. Some of you have read in de- tail about the new economic re- form in the USSR. The discus- sion concerning the methods of economic management and plan- ning have been going on for quite some time. This discussion has become known as the Lie- berman debate. What was the reason for this reform? The Soviet economy is a dynamic entity. It has been changing, and with it the me- thod of management also chan- ges. The system of management that there was in pre-war years was for that time quite effective. But since then the scope of pro- duction has grown. However the activity of each individual enter- prise continued to be rigidly planned by top bodies. © Under the new system, indivi- dual enterprises are accorded much more freedom.. Only the most important indicators of economic activity are imposed from above.. This permits enter- prises to adopt the most econo- mical decisions. The new system ensures a greater material sti- mulation for the workers. The better are the results for the enterprise, the higher are their profits. From the profit the en- terprise pays bonuses to the workers. A part of the profit is ‘of course the fund which finances the social and cultural under- takings such as kindergartens and housing construction for the workers of that enterprise. This fund is controlled by the direc- tor in conjunction with the trade union. : ~ Now the entire enterprise wants to have a bigger plan, but of course a real one, to have a bigger profit. Until recently there was a type of contradic- tion between planning officials and those who are engaged in production. Directors thought that the planning authorities were attempting to plan too high a target for their enter- prises and so they expended much energy to make their plans easier. Planning authorities, on the contrary, considered direc- tors were having an easy life, that is to put low figures in their plans in order to fulfill it quick- ly and without difficulties. The plan was frequently the result of in-bargaining between the two parties. The reform is being implemented over three years— 1966 to 1968. What are the results of the reform? In 1966 the new system was extended to 800 enterpri- ses. The output in these enter- prises grew by 10 percent over previous years. Now more than 500 enterprises are working under the new system. It does not mean that every- thing is all right. But what step is possible without difficulties. If humanity would be stopped by difficulties, we would now swing axes in dense forests. To raise the.living and cultu- ral standards—that is the car-. dinal objective of all economic programs of the USSR. Indeed, all means of production belong to the people and the people develop them in accordance with their interests. More apartments are being built in the Soviet Union than in all the West European coun- tries taken together. As you know there are practically no limit to housing construction be- cause of the rent. Rent doesn’t exceed four to five percent of the family budget. Rent doesn’t even cover all the expenses of maintaining the buildings. Hous- ing construction is made up. by the state, not a bad idea either. There are other important benefits that people get totally free, for example medical ser- vices. All this provides some- thing like an additional 25 to 30 percent of rel workers.. Thus if J! aif rubles you have ne 30 to get the full ie sion. When sovereibt y determination As od, 1a it is not recess i ression. concoct the stl been in our coull df In 1967, the YO jy tennial of canadt og deeper crisiS >” 1utid! tions instead % aera out a new conf ity pact with equal = = B& are in } trade union C lish. 1 would "wo * ts dian union tet iv! oft