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KASHTAN EXAMINES FEDERAL VOTE, NDP DECLINE

Fighting alternative to

old parties !abor’s need

William Kashtan, leader of the Communist Party of Canada, responds
to questions put to him by the Tribune concerning the forthcoming
federal election, aspects of the campaign, and the Communist Party’s
role. In the portion of the interview appearing in this issue, Kashtan
views the New Democratic Party slump, the mood of the workers, and
the Mulroney-Turner phenomenon.

Q. In your speaking tours in the western
provinces, and here in Ontario, what sort
of mood have you found among people in
this period leading up to a federal
election?

A. Generally a mood of dissatisfaction
and frustration as well as anger. Dissatis-
faction and frustration arising from the

economic situation, continued high un-_

employment, and fears that we are enter-
ing into another period of rising inflation.
There is the view that the government of
the day, and the opposition parties don’t
have any clear programs to cope with
this situation.

At the same time there is particular
fear about international developments
and the increased danger of nuclear war.
There is a growing realization that the
source of the problem is in Washington,
not, as some would have it, in Moscow
or, in Washington and Moscow. This
arises from the fact that the Reagan pol-
icy — and Reaganomics generally — are
creating great dangers to Canada on the
economic front as well as in the area of
foreign policy. Canada’s survival is at
stake.

This had led to growing anger although
many workers are not clear as yet how to.
come to grips with the nature of the prob-
lems that are on Canada’s doorstep.

I think it would be safe to say that this
danger and frustration typify the situa-
tion throughout the country.

Q. In some quarters it has been said that

Brian Mulroney and John Turner are try-
ing to occupy the same spot on the political
spectrum. Do you see any validity ini that?

A. I suppose-one could say there is a
similarity in Brian Mulroney and John
Turner in the sense that both are corpor-
ation lawyers and represent the interests
of corporations, although perhaps differ-
ent kinds of corporations.

At the same time there are some dif-
ferences, tactical differences that exist
between the Liberal Party and the Con-
servative Party. This is reflected in the
specific programs that these parties ad-
vocate and stand for, although the actual
platform, put forward by the Liberal
Party still has to be decided at their con-
vention in June.

The Tory platform is being hidden in
part. Mr. Mulroney still tries to act coy
and says he won’t divulge his: program
until the election takes place. But what
has been divulged, where the curtain has
been raised, it’s clear that the nature of
the program of Mulroney and the Con-
Servatives is a neo-conservative pro-
gram. Internally it’s directed to take
away the gains working people won
through hard and bitter struggle. And
while Mulroney seems to be supportive
now of medicare, of universality in social
programs, it remains to be seen whether
that will continue to be his position when
and if he were actually to become the

prime minister of Canada. The forces
that support the Conservative Party are
the right-wing forces in Canada. They are
the financiers, the backers of the Con-
servative Party and their policies would
be against the best interests of the Cana-
dian people.

With respect to its relationship with
the United States which is vital for Cana-
da, Mulroney makes clear that the Con-
servative Party stands with the United
States in economic and foreign policy.

‘And what does that mean? In
economic policy the United States pur-
sues a high interest rate course, which
has negative consequences for Canada.
In fact this is one of the reasons for the
slow recovery, or the petering out of re-
covery in Canada, and for its difficulty in
developing a capital investment
program.

The United States policy is a policy of
protectionism which creates difficulties
for Canada. United States policy, as has
been seen, is to refuse any sensible
agreement to protect the environment
from acid rain. Its policy is to push the
Garrison Dam with its negative con-
sequences for Manitoba. It refuses to
sign a fisheries treaty. It wants to take
over George’s Bank. It is a continuation
of the Manifest Destiny policy pursued in
earlier years by American imperialism.

And with respect to foreign policy,
United States has made no bones about
the fact that its aim is world domination,
and the pursuit of a military strategy
which could engulf the world in nuclear
war. It is a policy that is hot supportable,
but which the Tories support. If one adds
to that the aggression by the United
States in Grenada, the efforts to under-
mine and destroy the achievements of
the Nicaraguan revolution, and its effort
to establish complete hegemony over
Central America, and Mr. Mulroney’s
non-criticism of that, it is clear that there
is a distinct difference, tactically, bet-
ween the position of a Conservative
government, and the position that the
Liberals, at least in words, have
advanced.

Q. How would you explain the New Demo-
cratic Party’s loss of support — at least
according to the polls? And does this de-
cline in NDP popularity offer an opportu-
nity, or is its effect negative for, say, the
labor movement and movements favoring
social change? What bearing does it have
on the Communist Party? -
A. This is a rather important question,
perhaps a key question, in terms of the
coming election. © ;

It is unfortunate, if the polls are cor-
rect, that there has been a decline in sup-
port for the New Democratic Party. The

_ danger in this is that if that decline con-

tinues it could lead to the virtual elimina-
tion of the NDP.as an electoral alterna-
tive to the Liberals and Conservatives in

"parliament. And that would not be a good

thing. If the workers were to say, well,

it’s time now for real change and we
should vote for the Communist Party and
its candidates, that would be one thing,
but if a body of working people either
decide to sit on their hands and not vote
in this election, or throw their votes to-
ward the Liberals or the Tories, that
would be a setback electorally for the
democratic forces throughout Canada.

How can one explain this situation in
conditions of a crisis, with mass un-
employment, the continued danger of a
new. inflationary splurge, high interest
rates, growing poverty, growing in-
equality, and the inability of the system
to come to grips with this problem?

In large measure it arises at this time
(it’s a temporary phenomenon, not a
permanent one) froma certain fear based
upon the state.of the economy and the
insecurity that arises from mass
unemployment. x

Those who are unemployed, as well as
those who are employed but are afraid
they ll be unemployed tomorrow, add to
this sense of insecurity. The media uses it
cleverly to try to divert public attention
away from the source of the difficulties
that people are in, into other channels,
toward the Liberals or Tories: But
neither of these parties have any clear
answers to get Canada out of the crisis.

The fact of the matter is that in times of
capitalist crisis there is the tendency to
move toward a conservative stance even
though that’s temporary. This may be a
factor in weakening the position of the
NDP in an electoral sense at this
moment.

But in addition to that it must be said
that the NDP up to now has not advanced
a really serious alternative to the old-line

parties. Its program in many respects re-’

sembles that of the Liberals, and the best
example is that the Liberals have con-
stantly taken over the NDP program.

The NDP said at their convention that ~
they would fight for medicare. The Lib- |

erals have taken over the medicare pro-
gram. They said they would fight for
peace. The Liberals, through Prime
Minister Trudeau, have undertaken a

’ peace initiative. They said they would

fight for jobs. the Liberals seem — I em-
phasize that, seem — to be pursuing a
policy of trying to cope with

-unemployment.

So that, while the NDP has initiated a
platform, the Liberals found it not too
difficult to take it over, which means that
while the points in the program were im-
portant in themselves, they were not of a.
fundamental character. :

The NDP has so far not advanced a
fundamental attack on the system.
They’ve shied away from it and therefore
they have not advanced a democratic
alternative to the crisis. Such an alterna-
tive includes co-operating with all the
forces that can be united in order to

undertake a serious attack on the system, ~

with a program that could begin to curb
the power of the multi-nationals and the
power of monopoly. None of the pro-
positions put forward by the NDP comes
to grips with this question.

What is to be deplored is the fact that
instead of advancing a fighting alterna-
tive there seems to be a pessimistic, de-

. featist mood in NDP ranks. Mr. (Gerald) ~

Caplan says: “‘We have lost the youth,
we have lost the women, we have lost the

peace movement,” as if one can expect

— |

Reagan policy — and
Reaganomics generally — are
creating great dangers to
Canada on the economic front
as well as in the area of foreign
policy.

— —

‘ that the Liberals or Tories are going to

hard, sharp battle to prevent either a turn

_issues!

defend the youth or the women, and the
fight for peace .in a serious way. :

It expresses this element of defeatism
and even a virtual bankruptcy. Instead of
giving a lead to the working class whichis
the main point of support for the NDP,

what they offer is a defeatist position }

which can only have negative results at
the end. ;

The Communist Party of Canada gets
no pleasure out of this development, be-
cause we see the NDP as a vital element
in the fight for peace, for social progress,
for democratic reforms in Canada. Theil’
weakening in the present conditions
means a weakening of the forces fighting
for peace, democracy and social pro-
gress, even though the nature of the pro-
gram they put forward is rather limited.

So, we get no pleasure out of it. Nor

will it be useful for the labor movement

because, despite weaknesses of the
NDP, a smaller group in parliament will
mean that labor will have less of a sup-
port in parliament in the fight for a pro-
gram to defend labor’s interests, to pre-
vent whatever government is elected

from trying to undermine what the work- |

ing class has won over many years of
hard and bitter struggle.

It is important now to advance an
alternative, and that is the role that the
Communist Party and its candidates will
play in this election. We shall put for-
ward the alternative of a progressive
electoral coalition to fight around a |
common program agreed to by all forces
that would help to defend the gains won —
by working people, and advance acourse
to strengthen the independence of Cana-
da, and the fight for peace on a world-
wide scale.

The Communist Party can play a sig-
nificant role in this connection, to over-
come the defeatism and negativism and
pessimism permeating the NDP. We will
strive to galvanize and unite the working
people in a struggle, of which the election
is part, to defend gains and win new
ones.

Workers know-from experience that
sometimes they have to engage in a hard,
sharp struggle with employers to hold |
onto gains and prevent losing them. They
are faced in the same way with an elec-
tion in which they have to engage in a

to the right, or the maintenance of the

status quo, which go against their.
interests. :

More on the federal elections from.

the Kashtan interview in ae

16 e PACIFIC TRIBUNE, MAY 2, 1984