By MIKE DAVIDOW There is a danger that Pre- sdent Johnson can be “un- dumped.” ute threat does not come *om any massive. “draft. John- ald movement. The five per- rht vote for the President in ne oraska last week where his Bene remained on the ballot dly gives evidence of any Public clamor for the President Teconsider his decision. oth’ danger comes from the ther main member of the Ad- istration, Vice-President Hu- BERT HUMPER Riding on the Johnson machine ber H. Humphrey, who is well on the way to gaining control of the Democratic national conven- tion through machine manipula- tion of state delegations, partic- ularly from the non-primary states which outnumber the others 35-15. A recent CBS analysis of the present delegate strength of De- mocratic candidates revealed that Humphrey with 1,265 dele- gate votes was only 46.5 votes short of winning on the first ballot. A majority, 1,311.5, is needed for nomination. . The CBS tally shows Hum- phrey’s threat is based on alli- ance of racist Dixiecrat and Johnson forces in control of party state machinery all over the country. : Humphrey is getting solid sup- port from the South. His vote here includes: Ar- kansas, 33 out of 33, Georgia 43 out of 43, Louisiana 36 out of 36, Mississippi 24 out of 24, South Carolina 28 out of 28, North Carolina 58 out of 59, Virginia 54 out of 54, Florida 48 out of 63. Even in Wallaceland, Alaba- ma, Humphrey will get close to half the vote, 14 out of 32. The Johnson-Connally mach- ine in Texas is delivering the complete delegation, 104 votes, to Humphrey even though their candidate for Governor, Eugene Locke, former Deputy Ambassa- dor to Vietnam, ran fifth in the May 4 state primaries. The CBS analysis gives Hum- phrey 100 out of 118 votes in Illinois. And despite the fact the pro- Humphrey candidate in Indiana, only 31 percent of the vote as Gov. Roger Branigan received compared to a total of 69 per- cent polled by Senators Robert Kennedy and Eugene McCarthy, Humphrey will get 40 out of 63 to 21 for Kennedy and 2 for McCarthy. Likewise in Pennsylvania where McCarthy with 400,000 votes won an impressive victory in the preferential primary and where Humphrey secured an in- significant write-in vote, the Vice-President will nevertheless receive 80 out of 130 votes with 18 for McCarthy and 32 for Kennedy. This is made possible by party machine-made regulations which override, avoid or undermine the clear choice of the Demo- cratic voters. Humphrey’s rise to near-con- trol of the convention delegates is in sharp contrast to the anti- Administration trend and his Own poor showing in the pri- mary ‘contests since the Presi- den withdrew from the race and he announced his candidacy. Aside from his and the Admin- istration’s defeats in Indiana and Texas, Humphrey was in Washington, D.C., by Kenne- dy and only managed to get a 9 percent write in vote in Neb- raska despite efforts of his sup- porters. Thus, it was with good reason that Humphrey’s and the Presi- dent’s strategists decided to avoid entering primaries still open in any form. Moreover, this enabled them to quietly concentrate on the job of sewing up state delegations while the two anti-Administra- tion candidates sharpened up the struggle against each other. The strategy thus far appears to have achieved some of its ob- jectives. The President’s withdrawal, the beginnings of Vietnam peace negotiations, and Humphrey’s demagogy have tended to ob- scure the fact that the aim of the “Dump Johnson” movement was not just the removal of the President but of his Administra- tion and its crisis-breeding poli- cies at home and abroad. And Humphrey was second only to the President in the Ad- ministration and in responsibil- ity for the policy of guiding the unjust and unpopular war in Vietnam and for the contain- ment policy imposed on the black ghettos. But the character of the elec- tion campaign thus far since the President’s withdrawal and the conduct of McCarthy and Ken- nedy is hardly in the spirit of this all-important fact. McCarthy has certainly not dealt with Humphrey forcefully as the candidate who represents an Administration and its poli- cies which the McCarthy move- ment is dedicated to eliminate. Kennedy on the other hanf has largely limited his attacks to light jabs against Humphrey’s “happy” campaign. McCarthy and Kennedy have reserved most of the heat for each other. Even more important, with the dump-Johnson objective half completed, the McCarthy move- ment and the anti-Administra- tion forces around Kennedy have considerably blunted their blows against the other half of the Johnson team. The Administration forces ap- pear to count on this shift in Democratic and independent vot- er rebellion to turn the heat away from itself and to convert “dump Johnson” into “enter Humphrey.” It is on this kind of an atmos- phere that the Administration also counts to make convention deals. There is an antidote to this old politics: the new politics that sparked the “dump Johnson’ re- bellion within the major parties and gave rise to independent peace and freedom parties out- side them. And it is becoming more-and more apparent that the strategy of the Humphrey campaign is to attempt to contain this rebellion by dividing the powerful anti- Administration mass movements and preventing them from com- pleting their significant partial victories won in Johnson’s with- drawal and the beginnings of Vietnam peace negotiations. Black liberation and anti-communism By CARL BLOICE WASHINGTON mirssessing the recent spate of itary coups that toppled pro- iressive governments in Africa, i Magazine “African Commun- anti Pointed to tribalism and Ol “communism as the two ide- °gical instruments of the for- a Colonialists in splitting and Viding the people. al It is becoming increasingly “ar that these same two wea- iad slightly altered — are Ng used to accomplish the nme objectives in the black ideo unities of the U.S. The yy logical campaign is delibe- : € and was displayed in strik- © Telief in the days following assassination of Dr. Martin her Z. wet Outlines of the drive were | Played most clearly in the “ck on Stokley Carmichael 1 minutes of King’s death. First, two syndicated column- nd not noted for accuracy : ©n it comes to black people’s Vities, conjured up the image ; ichael receiving orders © night of the assassination om @ mysterious source, going fo the streets of Washington, D.C., and committing acts that those of us who were on the Streets that night know were never committed. It came, therefore, as quite a surprise to hear Carmichael last week denounce Lenin, Karl Marx and the entire white Left. His anti-communism appears to have become explicit. Similar shock has come with the new anti-Left statements of writer LeRoi Jones, implying that white Leftists were partly res- ponsible for the ghetto rebel- lions. Actually, both Carmichael and Jones are politically sophistic- ated. They know the direction from which the threat of the black community comes. The drive to obstruct unity within the black community, to set people against one another, to dissuade militants from read- ing or considering the thoughts of great revolutionaries of the past and to remove the political Left as a force in the community began long ago. It is anala- gous to tribalism. It is ironic (or perhaps not) that two men of great stature — Malcolm X and Martin Luther King—who spoke to the masses and de- fended internationalism — were gunned down. : It is by now old hat to say that co-operation and repression are opposite sides of the same coin, designed to continue op- pression. So, while some are pushed into defensive positions and subjected to attempts to iso- late them, others are wooed by the “modernizers.” Throughout Asia, Africa and Latin America people are being told by the neo-colonialists: “The system works. Cooperate with us and we will share with you our techniques.” One would be foolish to believe that what- ever methods State Department brains have worked out for for- eign penetration are not utilized for the home colony. The irony of all this is that while this unfortunate drama is being acted out in the news- Papers ‘and over the airways, there are so many people really “taking care of business.” None of the various theories being pushed explain, for in- Fos obowesy cee Union conference in N.Y.: speech April 12, at the National Black Anti-War, Anti-Draft Black people cannot trust the ‘hs leh ce lowe use every time we did in the past we got sletiory or, = stiagle: h conker help black people because Besides Gos bon Saks Co she account the economic aspect PACIFIC TRIBUNE— MAY 31, 1968—Page 5° stance, the Memphis garbage- men’s strike. Only one possess- ing a certain kind of faith and trust in masses and an under- standing of some rather old con- cepts of struggle could have foreseen it. Much of the responsibility for the current Situations must rest with certain among today’s white radicals. All too often, the hard task of developing Strategy gives way to what a noted white revolutionary called “slavishly bowing to spontaneity.” While many whites have ac- cepted the injunction to fight in their own communities, too many others still view black People (and in their romanti- cism — the ghetto rebellions) as tools for making their revolu- tion. Too often, this is a cheap Substitute for the difficult job of cambating racism, their own and that of the nation. Racism and anti-communism are the creations of the oppres- sors (no matter who adopts them). For black radicals or white radicals to graft either of them to their political perspec- tives, or to yield to them, plays into the hands of the man. — ei | —_— |