- British Tories attempt

to revive red scare

By SPARTAK BEGLOV

MOSCOW — The repressive action of the British authorities in
expelling a big group of Soviet diplomats found me in Britain,
when the tourist group of which I was.a member was just finishing’
its trip. This action was in glaring contrast to everything I heard
from Britishers during my fortnight’s stay. When conversations
turned to the future of British-Soviet relations, the main idea ex-
pressed by our British friends was that Britain had come to a
turning-point, when the restoration of firm.contacts with the Soviet
Union, which had been violated by the relapses of the cold war,
would help to solve important problems-in Europe and throughout
the world and raise the role of Britain itself in the world.

“We simply cannot afford to quarrel with you any longer,” said
the mayor of a big city when he received our group. “Britain has
always only benefited from friendship with the Russians.”

And now the police order turning out of Britain a large group
of Soviet officials is trumpeted. I personally know many of these
people who for scores of.years have devoted themselves wholly to
erect, brick by brick and storey by storey, the edifice of Anglo-
Soviet cooperation. How can this glaring paradox be explained?
By what supreme considerations is it motivated?

I do not intend to delve into the murky depths of: anti-Soviet
filth spilled across the pages of the British press, for even the
Foreign Office itself actually refused to acknowledge the fabrica-
tions regarding the “Red hand” in Northern Ireland, the Clyde
shipyards and the Concord designing offices.

In the first place we are struck by the unprecedentedness of the
step that was taken. It has no parallel in diplomatic history. And
the cold-blooded nature of it, the premeditated calculation, clearly
planned in advance, stun the British public with the heavy club of
anti-Soviet hysteria.

Is this “shock therapy”?

For what disease?

An attentive look at the internal situation in Britain provides an
answer to this question.

Tension on the economic and labor front has reached unprece-
dented intensity. Very soon a record level of one million un-
employed will be reached. Inflation has acquired such runaway
speed that no corrections in the levels of profits can catch up with
it. The biggest enterprises with large numbers of workers, which
at One time were famous for the traditional British leadership in
important branches of industry, are now closing one after another,
or are going over to a shorter working week.

Our tourist group, for instance, was unable to see how one of
the biggest farm machinery plants works, although it was in-
cluded in our program. Why? Because that enterprise stopped work
on the very day of our arrival—because it had no orders and not
on account of “Red sabotage.”

Another convulsion of the internal policy of the Conservatives
is their inability and unwillingness to solve the problem of Nor-
thern Ireland. For the British people, every day begins with a com-
munique from Northern Ireland—a shameful record of murders
and repressions. Ulster is becoming the same kind of ulcer on the
conscience of the British as Vietnam on the conscience of the
Americans.

In foreign policy the British Tories are trying to make them-
selves heard everywhere, but actually do not help a single serious
matter: neither the settlement in Vietnam, nor disarmament, nor
the abolition of colonialism and racialism in Africa, nor the relaxa-
tion of tensions in Europe.

Tory policy on Europe is now in specially sharp contradiction
with the requirements of the day. Their stake in the organization
of a “mini-Nato” under British leadership is making London knock
on the door of the Common Market with all its strength, aithough
sober-minded circles in the country are realizing ever more clearly
that Britain will only lose in joining the present Common Market.

This idea has become such an obsession with the Conservatives
that London is not shy about coming forward as the only country
in the Old World which is hindering the cause ofan all-European
conference. After the West Berlin agreement, in all the European
capitals it was stated that the time has come to sit down to the
conference table. Only not in London. The Foreign Office is forcing
a stream of stipulations and conditions which litter the channels of

”

-all-European diplomacy. It is clear that Britain is placing its stake

not on strengthening the foundations of all-European cooperation,
but on dividing Europe. ‘

The ruling circles of London do not know what to do inside
Britain. They are not ready to say “yes” to an all-European agree-
ment. At the same time they understand that final self-exposure is
equal to political suicide. As they see it, they have one weapon
left in their hands: to deal a psychological shock, to intimidate,
to distract attention.

Operation “Reds under your bed,” launched on Sept. 24, is
aimed not only at the minds and souls of the Britishers but also at
Britain’s West European partners. London is striving to frighten
them away from that irreversible process which has started in
Europe.

At home the present ruling circles of Britain are looking for all
kinds of methods to rescue their political future. Not able to invent
anything new, they are resorting to already tested tricks. In 1924
the Tories first employed the anti-Soviet bugbear, the fabrication
of the so-called “Comintern instructions to the British Commun-
ists” or the history with the “Zinoviev letter’ to overthrow the
Laborites who had come to power for the first time.

Now this same method is being used to blame “scapegoats” for
their political failures. This policy is orientated towards the past
and not the future. People who live in the past cannot be altered.
However, we cannot be indifferent to the future of Anglo-Soviet

_ relations. By jeopardizing these relations the British ruling circles

have demonstrated that they have no constructive policy either in
Europe or at home. _ , ee
PACIFIC TRIBUNE—FRIDAY, OCTOBER 1, 1971—PAGE 4

"Little Orphan Annie’?

U.S. pays for own sins

By GENNADY GERASIMOV

In the U.S. all goods, irres-
pective of quality, are sold in
attractive packages. This refers
to speeches of politicians as
well, which are always wrapped
in fine sounding rhetoric.
~ But the wrapping is cast
aside . . . and when you look
into the garbage dump of his-
tory you will find a lot of
putrid political discards, such
as, for instance, Lyndon John-
son’s proclamation of a “great
society”. Where is it?

Present American measures
to save the shattered dollar are
presented to the world in tradi-
tional wrappings with pious
talk: about a new prosperity
without war and inflation ...

Addressing Congress recently
for support to his “new eco-
nomic policy’? President Nixon
stated that the present critical
position of the dollar and U.S.
economy is due to the fact that
for 25 years after the war
America lavishly spent its ener-
gy and resources to help others.
Figuratively speaking, the U.S.
overstrained itself in philan-
thropy, and now has to cure its
rupture. :

This interpretation. of U.S.
motives can appear convincing
only to naive people — inciden-
tally, such still exist in America.

OTTAWA—Final touches are
being put to the itinerary plan-

Alexei Kosygin’s biography —

ned for Soviet Premier Alexei -
Kosygin, who arrives in Canada —

on Oct. 18 for an official visit.

This is the first time that the
head of the government of our
great socialist northern neighbor
has visited this country.

It is expected that Canadian
leaders’ talks with the premier
of the largest country on earth
with a population nearly one
quarter of a billion and a boom-
ing economy, flourishing culture
and advanced science will prove
of mutual benefit to Canada and
the USSR.

Premier Kosygin’s biography
shows that he has great personal
knowledge of conditions and
problems that are similar to
those confronting Canada. Both
an industrial worker and engag-
ed in the co-operative trade net-
work early in his life, he is a
graduate of two institutes and
has broad practical experience
in economic management both
_in the European half of the So-
viet Union and in the vast north-
‘eastern’ expanses of Siberia

. which are so like the Canadian

northwest.

Alexei Kosygin was born in a
worker’s family in 1904 in St.
Petersburg. He joined the Red
Army as a volunteer when he
was 15 years of age. After the
civil war he worked for many
years in the cooperative trading
network in Siberia, later in the
textile industry in Leningrad
(first as a foreman, then factory
manager, finally as the minister
in charge of the textile industry
in the USSR).

He was elected mayor—chair-
man of the Leningrad Soviet
“(City Council), then became
vice-president of the USSR and
minister of finance (1946). Still
later he headed the State Plan-
ning Commission.

Joining the Communist Party

It seeks to exploit the human
weakness for noble explana-
tions of selfish acts.

In the political reality of
capitalism there is no room for
compassion or génerosity. The
policy of the United States is
determined by ‘the interests of
monopoly capital.

After. the war, the U.S. was
at the height of its power. Per-
haps that went to its head. Be
that as it may, many American
politicians believed with Henry
Luce, publisher of Time and
Life, that this was ‘America’s
century”. The president himself
harped upon the “Burden of
world leadership” allegedly im-
posed on the U.S. by history
(which, by the way, never sus-
pected it).

The course was set for world
supremacy.

But American post-war politi-
cal ambitions had to be paid for.
The role of a world policeman
required appropriate expendi-
tures. Billions of dollars were
spent on the upkeep of GI’s in
dozens of foreign countries,
where they squandered these
dollars like autumn leaves toss-
ed by the wind. Other billions
went for military bases in
foreign lands. It was necessary
to pick up the tab for restoring
the strength of capitalism in
Europe, which had declined

in 1927, A. Kosygin has been a
member of the party’s central
committee since 1939, in later
years a member of its political
bureau.

He has been premier of the
USSR since 1964.

after the war. It was Mt
to back and arm antl
ist governments on all the
tinents. In a word, the Ue.
to carry the expenses ©
“cold war”

Since war’s end, acc?
the president himself,
has given nearly $1500
lion to other countries ©
form of loans, free gt”
tary aid, etc.

At least three
be added to this huge

In the first places F
these $150,000 million ya
tract the “aid” via the.
shall Plan” ($12,400 m"
is military “aid” ™
forms—from backing | S
munist regimes in theif:
venturers to direct arms”
which constitutes nine
the remaining sum. FO.
ple, between 1950 and
U.S. sold and donat
planes, 19,827 tanks,
pieces of ordinance, ©”
chineguns, etc. ee,

Secondly, 80% B:
the foreign “aid” es
spent on purchasing U. y
In other words, dollars
leave the United Stale xe
channelled from the es sof)
the taxpayers to thee ‘
corporations. The he
into a subsidy for

lies.
porinally, it is instrue |
compare the $150,
sum with the expenses og
military operations: an
to the Senate Forele.
Committee, direct. buds
propriations for thé 000
war amounted to $12 ‘1 off
lion, while the full 02
war is about $200,

It is U.S. aggression,
east Asia that has t arn |
be the log — not thé 4
that broke the camel

That’s the true nat 4 td
spending abroad 4 1 0
motivated by politic
tions and not by 8&

Now that these *P ’
have turned with hee
a catastrophic deficit ofl
ance of payments, ee
with other factors L i
the present dollar Cp

dil

9

“puts” s
sult

Nixon’s measures As
overcoming it at U
tries’ expense, the

as an orphan an
arouse pity by [4
tions about alleg f oth
made for the sake ©

In reality, however” ing,
is paying for its OW :

fal
ez
Is! Ee

¢

The Socialist German Working Youth and the -
takus” student’s league organized a youth congfé
German Federal Republic last month. Two thous?
workers and students took part under the banner °
national solidarity of all anti-imperialist forces
end to the Indochina war, ratification of the a9
tween the USSR, FGR and Poland, solidarity with
ers in fascist and colonial countries and with

i re

¢
Marsis if

dem

areedom 0
Angel?