Organized labor in this province is concerned about the campaign to eliminate union security provisions in collective agreements. The majority of unions in B.C. have clauses in their agreement to ensure that the union is able to collect dues by payroll deduction, as a condition of employment. These union security. clauses usually require that a new em- ployee shall become a member of the union within a stipulated period or that he must be a member in good standing before he is hired. The underlying principle is that all who share directly in the benefits ‘| won by the union must share the responsibility for maintaining the union. LABOR COMMENT BY JACK PHILLIPS The nature of the construction industry is such, for example, that the majority of workers frequently change their jobs as projects are completed. Without compulsory union membership and the hiring hall, construction companies could hire a new crew every time a new job was started. There would soon be long lines of workmen hoping to be selected by the boss for a few days’ work. That’s the way it was on the waterfront before the longshoremen’s union was _ suc- cessful in establishing control over hiring. The opponents of union security in British Columbia present themselves in false colors. They say they are advocates of the “right to work’, but they. never raise their voices in protest against mass unemployment. The International Woodworkers of America has published a 54-page booklet entitled Do You Really Want the Right to Work? On page 28, there is a selection from a presentation made in 1965 by an aide to Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. to the Special House Sub- committee on Labor of the U.S. Congress. The following quotations are appropriate for the British Cehunhia scene: “They (the right-to-work proponents) have refurbished the old ‘open shop concept’ and, em- ploying the techniques of Madison Avenue hucksters, are now selling the new slogan ‘right to work’. ‘Do these laws _ provide American workers with any guarantee of employment? They do not. Do any of these right to work laws embody a code of fair employment practices? They do not. Do these laws attempt to determine fair wages, provide decent hours of labor, or -other terms and conditions of em- ployment? They do not. Do they provide for an_ equitable distribution of work or guarantee that layoffs be in inverse order of seniority? They do not. Do they provide for vacations with pay, disability benefits and retirement pensions? They do not. What they co they do? In their commonest form they prohibit any kind of union security. They make it impossible for labor-management agreements to provide for union security.” Phil Gaglardi, a gospel preacher who was_a prominent member of the Socred cabinet under W. A. C. Bennett, addressed an Abbotsford meeting of the Independent Con- tractors and Businessmen of British Columbia (the major right- to-work pressure group in B.C.) in April, 1976. A Fraser Valley newspaper quoted him as follows: ‘‘A man should be able to be a non- union worker if he wants it that way and not be forced to join a union. God gave Adam the prerogative of choice. The whole basis of our, way of life is based on spiritual principles.”” Ed Rempel, who introduced Gaglardi, ex- plained those spiritual principles when he recalled that Gaglardi’s son Bob had been the first since the 1930’s to build a high rise in Van- couver without union workers. Gaglardi told the meeting that the workers should be paid what they are worth and be proud of that fact. He meant the employer should be free to pay as little as he can get away with an the worker should smile and say “‘thank you, boss.”’ Gaglardi received a stan- ding ovation from the 25 members and their guests when he told them to sign up 50,000 members and march to Victoria to demand the elimination of union security F ™~ PHIL (front); BOB GAGLARDI... “right-to-work” laws. provisions from the provincial labor code. That position on union security had a lot of support at the recent convention of the provincial back. On March 1 the Nelson News union individual to undermine the Socreds. A resolution calling upon the B.C. provincial government to introduce right to work legislation was narrowly defeated by 233-217, after labor minister Allan Williams warned that such legislation would “destroy the democratic rights of union members and lead to serious confrontation.” I have no doubt that Williams spoke for the majority in the cabinet, because a number of delegates who are prominent in B.C. political life argued that the enactment of such legislation would alienate organized labor and play into the hands of the NDP. However, it is significant that the reporters at the convention saw one cabinet minister, economic development minister Don Phillips, vote for the resolution. It is also noteworthy that premier Bill Bennett left the convention hall shortly before the vote. It appears he wanted to keep his options open without being on record as having voted for either side. ; However, the convention clearly showed its right wing bias when it united around a resolution in favor of prohibiting strikes in essential services, including ferries, police, firemen, hospital employees, vista among those pressing for ambulance attendants and those in water, electricity, gas and oil services. But organized labor is fighting reported that the Nelson-Trail and District Labor Council held a meeting of 200 union members in Castlegar to combat proliferation of right to work laws.” Cy Stairs, vice-president of the -B.C. and Yukon Building Trades Council, told the Castlegar meeting that building contractors have united to stop the growth of unions and support the right to work in- terests. Stairs stated that in his opinion, the government would not introduce such _ legislation “because they are afraid all hell will break loose.’’ He said that instead the government has been making piecemeal attempts in that direction. Tom Fawkes, author of the [WA booklet referred to earlier, told the meeting he had travelled ex- tensively in the southern U.S.A. to study the effects of right to work laws. He reported that wages are lower, profits are higher and social conditions are below national averages. ‘‘We’re not going to accept a bad American law’, he said. “It hasn’t been any good for the U.S. and it sure isn’t any good for Canada.” Marv McLean, president of the’ <3 Local 480 of the Steelworkers in Trail, addressed the Castlegar meeting and wondered out loud why Rossland-Trail MLA Chris D’Arcy, NDP, was not present. Whatever the reason for D’Arcy’s absence, it should be remembered that while the NDP government of Dave Barrett enacted some progressive legislation, its record in respect to the labor code was a disappointment to organized labor. The legislative committee report to the 1975 convention of the B.C. Federation of Labor contained the following in dealing with certain aspects of Bill 84 passed by the Barrett government over the objections of organized labor: “Particularly dangerous is the provision that no person who has | © been expelled from their union for violating the constitution by belonging to another union can lose |” their job. This interference with] union security clauses represents a very grave danger since it opens the door to further ‘right-to-work’ legislation. The provision also offers an easy way for any. anti- union and avoid union membership in spite of union shop provisions negotiated in collective agreements.’’ (The reference to undermining the union drew at- tention to a clause in the labor code permitting the opting out from union membership on the basis of religious beliefs.) Out of about two dozen amend- ments to the labor code proposed by the Federation in 1975, only three were incorporated into Bill 84. With the election of a reactionary Socred government in Victoria, the question of uniting the trade union movement and all left and progressive forces assumed new importance. The struggle against the right-to- 3 work threat is a good place to begin. The B.C. Federation of Labor has organized a special | seminar on that subject to be held in Capilano College on Saturday, March 18. The continuing struggle against the threat from the right will have the full support of the Communist Party. It deserves the full support of the NDP, including the members elected to the provincial legislature who can play a key-role because they are the official opposition. Drive to cut labor costs underlies B.C. Hydro stance Continued from pg. 1 crews. The IBEW has called Hydro’s stance ‘‘irresponsible’’ and possibly tantamount to an illegal lock out since the IBEW is > not officially on strike. Socred labor minister Allan Williams made it clear Wednesday that the govenment would use essential services legislation if the strike gets out of hand. “The government and the crown cor- poration are one and the same and the corporation can take unfair advantage of its own self-serving legislation,’ B.C. Federation of Labor secretary Len Guy described the situation, also on Wednesday. The anti-union, provocative stance of Hydro was noted this week even by the Vancouver Sun which editorially rapped Hydro for its ‘interest in a strike’. A prolonged dispute will spell higher profits for Hydro, the Sun speculated on its motives, but pointed out that the ‘“‘publicly owned corporation should be judged by the standard of service it provides and not necessarily by the profits it earns.” Since its establishment as a crown corporation by the former ATU STRIKERS... Oak Street depot. Socred government, Hydro has performed the role of providing cheap energy resources to in- dustry, while charging consumers higher rates. Hydro’s operation of transit services in Vancouver and Victoria has been regarded as a cost against its energy business, and every effort has been made to cut costs — and services — in the transit system. In spite of a massive public debt incurred by Hydro, it still plans to spend $3.2 billion in unneeded energy projects over the next five years. It is against that demand at PACIFIC TRIBUNE—MARCH 17, 1978—Page 8 ; that it is determined to cut costs in the transit system, where labor costs amount to nearly 80 percent of the total costs, according to the company. ; Hydro has also been cutting costs by direct cutbacks in_ transit services in Vancouver in recent months — over the protests of: citizens’ groups and Vancouver city council — and Hydro has informed the city that further cutbacks will now be implemented. In large advertisements placed in Vancouver and Victoria dailies this week, Hydro posed labor costs as the issue in the strike, claiming that it “‘should not be a pace setter in the payment of wages.” In fact, however, the ATU has accepted the wage offer of Hydro and it is no longer an issue. The real issue is the corporations demand to end union control ofthe “Spareboard’’, the system by which extra bus runs and overtime is allocated to transit workers. The union, on the other hand, is’ demanding a shorter work week, from 37 1/2 hours to 35 hours. The ATU points out that all other Hydro employees have a 35 hour week already. : But Hydro will not bargain on the shorter work week and is deter- mined that the union must give up the conditions on the spareboard that have been established in collective agreements over 70 years. According to the present collective agreement transit drivers with seniority get to “sign in’ for the routes of their choice. In the case of sickness, or more commonly for extra runs at rush hours, drivers are called from the “spareboard”’ to take the route. Drivers with seniority get first crack at the “‘spareboard”’ routes available, which bring a higher rate of pay. Over the last year Hydro has not hired enough drivers to handle all the spareboard work, and many needed extra runs have not been put on the street. The corporation wants to solve the problem, and continue to cut labor costs, by removing seniority rights on the spareboard and assigning drivers to routes as it wishes. The end result would allow Hydro to juggle its work force and cut back on the man hours employed, while at the same time cutting back on the service to the public. Trend growing towards ‘right-to-work’ laws