i Sx a Bie NOR WAR WORLD Vietnam's reality NEITHER PEACE In November, 1979, Tribune Assistant Editor Tom Morris visited Vietnam, Laos and Kampuchea. It was four years after the complete liberation of Vietnam and 10 months after the rout of Pol Pot's Khmer Rouge killers from Kampuchea. China had launched a 500,000-man invasion of northern Vietnamese provinces nine months earlier. In the five years since, the task of national reconstruction and defence has proceeded in Vietnam. Chinese military forays into northern Vietnam continue as does its military backing of Pol Pot bands located along Kampuchea’s border with Thailand. Ata recent Toronto Dialogue for Peace, Morris spoke with Vietnam’s representative, Do Xuan Oanh, secretary of the Vietnam Peace Committee about developments in the region: * * * “*Since 1979 the situation in Vietnam can be described as static,’ Do Xuan Oanh said. ‘“‘The determining factor of our life is ‘neither peace nor war’. In the past five years U.S.-China collusion has developed to a new stage with growing economic and military cooperation. The U.S. is playing the ‘China card’ and China is using its ties with Washington to bolster its position in the region. ] ‘“China’s need is to modernize its armed forces and it is doing so with American help. We have noticed a marked use of better equipment by Chinese forces on our LANG SON, 1979: Terrible destruction followed China’s attack in northern Vietnam. Today, due to U.S. military aid, Chinese forces are better equipped in their regular forays along the border. 18 e PACIFIC TRIBUNE, DECEMBER 19, 1984 TRIBUNE PHOTO — TOM MORRIS PHOTO —TASS a“ ‘NATIONAL RECONSTRUCTION AND DEFENCE: The two policies which are the determining factor of Vietnam to- ~ northern border since their 1979 attack — better artil- lery, radar and intelligence-gathering, for example. “In Kampuchea, China actively backs the Pol Pot gangs and exerts pressure on the ASEAN nations to isolate Kampuchea politically and economically. What is commonly called the Washington-Tokyo-Seoul triangle of imperialism in Asia, in fact, a rectangle with the inclusion of Beijing.”’ Set Do Xuan Oanh explained that Pol Pot and other oppo- nents of the Kampuchean government are trying to con- vince world public opinion that some sort ofan alliance is possible to “‘drive out Vietnam’’, while China demands © Vietnamese withdrawal as a pre-condition for talks. “Tn fact,”’ he argued, *‘China wants Vietnam to stay in Kampuchea to keep the political pot boiling and bleed Vietnam economically. (The Pol Pot remnants are still recognized by the United Nations as the legitimate government of Kampuchea and Canada backs this view — Ed.) eS, Kampuchea’s revival has been so rapid, Do Xuan Oanh said, it has astonished many, including many re- cent visitors to that country. But, he said, China and the West refuse to accept this fact. Vietnam, however, as- serts that the ‘‘Kampuchea problem”’ will be settled step : by step by the Kampuchean people through the norma- lization of their economic and:political life. ASEAN Self-Interest Internally, Do Xuan Oanh explained, the Association of Southeast Asian Nation (ASEAN) which comprises Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand and the Philippines, would like a solution to the Kampuchea question. : “There is a growing belief that cooperation between ASEAN and states like Vietnam, Kampuchea and Laos is possible without U.S. or Chinese interference. They have a market problem which is difficult to solve under China-U.S. control. “As far as ASEAN’s national interests go, they more and more feel the need to end transnational political and economic domination. This points up the fact that the basic contradiction in the region is between national independence and foreign control,”’ he said. “‘This development may lead to the acceptance of the - - principle of peaceful coexistence and forms of coopera- tion in the region which no western capitalist state, nor China and Japan will control.” Vietnam and Independence ‘‘Our people understand the impossibility for Vietnam to constantly and indefinitely live in opposition to China, a land of one billion people. We know that eventually relations must return to normal. We also’make the point that our people, who have paid so high a price for our independence, will not relinquish it to anyone.” On the matter of international ties, Do Xuan Oanh said: ‘The destruction of our land after decades of war is - beyond imagination. With whom to cooperate, if not the Soviet Union and the socialist community?’’ he asked. He charged that the United States has not paid one cent in war reparations and said that Vietnam today is denied the peace it needs to reorganize its economy. “Every Vietnamese knows about China’s war of destruction and attrition against us. We face it every hour, every minute. We have neither war nor peace; our efforts must be split between national reconstruction and day. Economic and political reorganization is made fal more difficult by constant U.S.-Chinese pressure. defence, making it difficult to plan our lives on a long term basis. | “Our economy is sabotaged,”’ he explained. ‘*As 00! as any project is completed we must at once ensure It security and defence. China’s main aim is to bleed Viel nam in every way — militarily, economically, psy chologically and culturally. When we speak of war,,™ know the most difficult time has passed; when we spea of peace, we know the most difficult time lies ahead. — Do Xuan Oanh outlined the massive problems of €¢? nomic and political reorganization after decades of wal and division. These include at the time of Vietnam | liberation in 1975 the two different socio-economic sy® tems which existed plus the terrible damage left by t War. : - It includes the need for Vietnam to defend its bordet in both directions, its assistance to Kampuchea whit was being destroyed by Pol Pot with China’s collusio! and its need to stave off a major Chinese attack in 1979: And it includes the ever-present fact of U.S.-Chines pressure on Vietnam in every sphere to perpetuate ‘neither war nor peace’’ atmosphere. z One example shows the scope of the reconstructi? and reorganization problem: Do Xuan Oanh pointed ou that Vietnam had recently adopted a national civil pent ‘code for the first time in its history. ‘“We had decades ® foreign occupation (French, Japanese and U.S.) aml decades of war in which foreign or military laws existet After 1976, we were faced with the need to draw up new law, based on our reality and our history, to ™ our needs and guarantee civil rights and liberties,” _said. ‘ . ; ‘“‘But we are dealing with all these problems, many ‘ them new to us. Our people understand the root cause of our difficulties, of shortages and sacrifices,” he sa™ MIAs and U.S. Racism. When asked about recent complaints by the U» government concerning U.S. Missing in Action (MIA! still in Vietnam, estimated by Washington to be some }* military personnel, Do Xuan Oanh responded angrily ‘This attack on us is basically racist,’’ he charge ‘‘There is not one Vietnamese family which has not 10 at least one member. This totals almost two million de ; “We could ask Reagan: ‘What about our MIAS ‘What about war reparations for the destruction of 0 land?’ How can the U.S. claim one American is W more than one Vietnamese? We will not accept t | Thousands of U.S. dead (59,000) cannot be compare millions of Vietnamese dead. “Even so,”’ he continued, ‘‘ Vietnam has cooperal with U.S. officials to recover the remains of MIAS has taken part in mixed search teams. a Similarly on the question of Amerasian children, th deserted by U.S. troops, Do Xuan Oanh said Vietn position is clear: ‘‘All the U.S. must do is work throu! Vietnam’s Orderly Departures Program.” : He explained that the U.S., rather than accep! responsibility for the thousands of children fathere their troops, wants to enter Vietnam, search and Ss certain children. This, he said, naturally presents security problem. eS ‘‘We didn’t create this situation, or the MIA proble The U.S. did. Now they use their powerful medi@ attack us. It’s another form of U.S. arrogance.”