,

QUEBEC TODAY

Trotskyite nationalists

By SAM WALSH

The current issue of the Trotskyite French-language paper de-
votes an entire page to “An Answer to the Communist Party: In
Defense of Nationalism and the Struggle for Unilingualism.”

Apparently they are annoyed because in December we wrote
that unilingualism is “the other side of the coin of discrimination
and of coercion . . . The fact that the Trotskyites have adopted this
dangerously nationalist demand is a measure of their opportunism,
trying to make nationalists out of internationalist workers instead
of the contrary.” ;

Because they have the impudence to refer to Lenin, dishonestly,
“in the same way as Trotsky,” in order to defend nationalism and
unilingualism—the battle cries of the French-Canadian petty bour-
gecisie—we shall quote Lenin on the policy the working class
should fight for in face of the pressure coming from the bourgeoisie
of the oppressed nation. In passing we shall cite Lenin on Trotsky’s

' opportunist policy precisely on the national question.

4
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Finally we shall have something to say on the incredible argu-
ment of the Trotskyites that Italo-Canadian workers who oppose
unilingualism should be considered strikebreakers! :

All the following quotations are from Lenin’s ‘Collected Works,”
Volume 20: :

e “Working-class democracy contraposes to the nationalist
wrangling of the various bourgeois parties over questions of lan-
guage, etc., the demand for the unconditional unity and complete
amalgamation of workers of all nationalities in all working-class
organisations’. . .” (Page 22).

e “Bourgeois nationalism and proletarian internationalism —
these are the two irreconcilably hostile slogans that correspond to
the two great class camps throughout the capitalist world, and
express the two policies (nay, the two world out!ooks) in the
national question. Despite all their r-r-revolutionary pretensions,
there is no need to ask in which of these two camps the Trotskyites
are to be found. .

e “If a Ukrainian (read French-Canadian) Marxist allows him-
self to be swayed by his quite legitimate and natural hatred of the

Great-Russian (read Anglophone) oppressors (written in .1913 in-

tsarist Russia, S.W.) to such a degree that he transfers even a
particle of this hatred, even if it be only estrangement, to the
proletarian culture and proletarian cause of the Great-Russian
workers, then such a Marxist will get bogged down in bourgeois
nationalism.” (Page 33). Not to speak of hatred towards poor immi-
grant Italian workers who want to learn English to make a living.

e “That is why Russian Marxists say that there must be no
compulsory official language, that the population must be provided
with schools where teaching will be carried on in all the local
languages, that a fundamental law must be introduced in the con-
stitution declaring invalid all privileges of any one nation and all
violations of the rights of national minorities.” (Page 73). It takes
Trotskyites to dare pretend Lenin could support unilingualism!
ism!

e “Insofar 2s the bourgeoisie of the oppressed nation fights the
oppressor, we are always, in every case, and more strongly than
anyone else, in favor, for we are the staunchest and the most
consistent enemies of oppression. But insofar as the bourgeoisie of
the oppressed nations stands for its own bourgeois nationalism, we
stand against. We fight against the privileges and violence of the
oppressor nation, and do not iri any way condone strivings for
privileges on the part of the oppressed nation.” (Page 411). Clear
enough, Messrs. French and English unilingualists?

@ “Why did Trotsky withhold these facts from the readers of his
journal? Only because it pays him to speculate on fomenting dif-
ferences between the Polish and the Russian opponents of liquida-
tionism-and to deceive the Russian workers on the question of the
program. :

“Trotsky has never yet held a firm opinion on any important
question of Marxism. He always contrives to worm his way into
the cracks of any given difference of opinion, and desert one side
for the other.” (Page 447). So much for the Trotskyists and the

‘Re bourgeois publicists who come to their aid in raising Trotsky up

to the level of Lenin.

e “It is not difficult to understand that the recognition by the
Marxists of the whole of Russia, and first and foremost by the
Great Russians, of the right of nations to secede in no way pre-
cludes agitation against secession by Marxists of a particular
oppressed nation, just as the right to divorce does not preclude
agitation against divorce in a particular case. We think, therefore,
that there will be an inevitable increase in the number of Polish
(and let us add, Quebec) Marxists who laugh at the non-existent
‘contradiction’ now being ‘encouraged’ by Semkovsky and Trotsky.”

Finally the Trotskyites in their article say: “Is it the struggle for
French unilingualism which divides the workers? . . . All struggles
create divisions. Whether it be a strike .. .; the result of all strug-
gle is a polarization even among the workers. Should a strike be
broken in a factory where 10-15% of the workers are against . . .?
The language struggle in St. Leonard comes in this category.”

It will be recalled that the Italo-Canadian workers of St. Leonard
experienced the withdrawal of their right to have their children

_ taught in English, which, unfortunately, is still the language of
work in Quebec. The Italians constitute not 10% of the population
of St. Leonard but over 40%. Many Italian Canadians of St.
Leonard were on the picket line at Seyen-Up just a few days before
the disastrous anti-Italian nationalist riot, in which the Trotskyites
participated. The Italo-Canadians, together with the Indians, are
the only ethnic groups in Quebec with an annual income below that
of the French-Canadians. But the demonstration was aimed against
them. Evidently the Trotskyites consider them scabs.

In this, as everywhere, the Trotskyites, like the nationalist ex-
tremists, play the game of the bourgeoisie in dividing the working
class according to nationality, as did their “theoretician’”’ and false
guide, Trotsky, both before and after the revolution in Russia.

Bee AS ie RR aE ee ee EG

PACIFIC TRIBUNE—FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 18,'1972—PAGE 6

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By JOHN WEIR

Capitalist parties have a pro-
gram, but they prefer to keep
it hidden behind a lot of fine-
sounding verbiage. Their pro-
gram is to maintain the rule of
the monopolies and perpetuate
the system of exploiting the

people. The first they call
“democracy” and the second
“free enterprise’. But what

they really operate on is their
-electoral ‘ platforms, which are
composed of assurances to big
business on the one hand and
vote-catching bait for the pub-
lic on the other. The trickery
and hypocricy of capitalist poli-
‘tics has become _- proverbial
until the world “politician” is
associated in the public mind
with “swindler” and parliament-
ary elections are seen. as a
“show”.

That’s not to say that “the
old-time magic” does not work
any more, The habit of genera-
tions is a powerful force. The
media in the hands of the mono-
polists can still spark illusions
despite all past disillusionments.
The old harpy can get her face
lifted and pretend something
fresh is being offered. In fact,
“charisma”, “personality”, “im-
age’”’ are today increasingly be-
ing offered the electorate in lieu
of a program or even a platform
by capitalist (and even social-
reformist) politicians.

That’s not to say that there
aren’t any capitalist works on
social and political questions;
there are all kinds of them and
more are being: written all the
time. But no matter how learned
they may appear, from which-
ever angle they may seek to
bolster the capitalist system or
to demolish its opponents, none
of them bases itself on a truly
scientific study of the laws gov-
erning the development of hu-
man society. At most they trace
some one feature or process and
that only within definite limits.

But there are quite objective
laws governing society and so-
cial
science that»studies those laws,
bares the hidden direction in
which it is moving, points out
the things people must do to
lead to.a higher stage of human
progress.

That science is Marxism-Le-
ninism. es ee

There is only one party in
Canada that applies this science
to the best of its ability in order
to produce a program that as
closely as possible corresponds
to the actual conditions in the
country, the developments that
are now taking place and their
most probable direction in the
future, and on this sound scien-
tific foundation outlines the
long-range tasks of the Canadian
working people.

That is the Communist Party
of Canada.

The Party’s program, titled

ada, was adopted after thorough

Spanish Economics

Official figures put Spain’s
sales to Common Market coun-
tries at $857 million. Its pur-
chases amount to $1,322.5 mil-
lion. Foreign investment in
Spain in 1971 alone amounted
to $339 million with West Ger-
many being the largest investor
($30 million), followed by the
U.S. ($20.5 million). However
many West European investors
are in reality United States-
owned firms. 31.63% of Spain’s
chemical industry. 12.77% of its
real estate and 12.28% of its

nslated from Combat) |

owned. ee ; Se
OL 8 AAR aR rt dk FRO BR 8 Ri Mae wwe

- lines tasks for a shorter period,

- this policy into points for gov-

change.. And there is a-

The Road to Socialism in Can-~

electrical industry are foreign”

CP AMIR OR & B26 Bhd 8 aww we © Oe Bl ae Sele

discussion by the delegates at
the 2lst (50th Anniversary)
convention in Toronto last Nov-
ember. It was based on a redraft
of the previous program, which
was published, debated by the
entire membership at meetings
and in a special bulletin, with
many Suggestions and proposals,
finally these were taken up point
by point at the convention, dis-
cussed by the delegates and
voted on. There is no other party
that can boast such democratic
scrupulousness in adopting its
guidelines.

The Policy Statement adopted
at the convention, which out--

capitalism and the era of sq
ist revolution in our OWA ¢
try. As experience accumy
and knowledge grows, th€ teac¢
ings of Marxism-LeniniSm
enriched.

Thus The Road to Socialism
Canada draws both on the jp;
national Jessons and ex
ences and on the exp€rien,
study and thought in Canag,
during the 50 years of the po,
munist Party. :

Opportunist “trimming”
sails to suit the wind” or Gogma.
tic repetition of “sayiNgs»
foreign to Communism,
Communist theory is a Buide tp
action — action not “by |
Party, for the Party’, but >
posals for what the Wor;
class and democratic forces
the country should do — by
people, for the people. Of eo
further discussion and. g¢
during joint action and Ney ws
periences bring in their Corre,
tives and additions. But the
ciples of scientific S¢jaj;
always remain the searchligi r.
that throws light on the ,>)
ahead. Ey

The Road to Socialism in
ada is the guideline for @..
dian Communists. And fo,
who are seeking the Wa
progress it is an indisPenga
handbook. ae a

the next two-three years, flows
out of this program. The elec-
ticn platform, which translates

ernmental and public action
which the Communist Party pro-
jects and promotes on the hust-
ings, is based on that program,

The Road to Socialism in Can-
ada is the program expressing
the collective will of the Com-
‘munist Party membership. It is
at the same time the reaffirma-
tion of the principles of scienti-
fic socialism that were first pre-
sented by Marx and Engels in
The Manifesto of the Communist
Party in 1848 and which have
stood the test of history, and of
the additions made by Lenin’s

Full text of the program of the Communist Party of Canada as odon,
~ by delegates attending the 21st (50th Anniversary) Convention hely <
Toronto Nov. 27-26, 1971. Section headings are as follows: %

1. Our Aim is a Socialist Canada
. State-Monopoly Capitalism in Canada
. The Canadian People and the Capitalist State
. The People’s Struggle against Monopoly and U.S. Domination
A Democratic Anti-Monopoly Government
. The Socialist State and the Building of a Socialist Society
8. The Communist Party
PRICE: 75 CENTS

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