f Special to the Tribune . CR8tan facts stand out in | the Nov. 8 election returns. The Vietnam war hawks Were repudiated wherever they Challenged ‘advocates of peace Or deescalation. Edward Brooke won the race for U.S. Senate from Massachu- Setts, becoming the first Negro to sit in the body since 1871, 4nd other Negro candidates were elected, thus marking a new gree of the Negro people for Tull political representation. €d governor, and in Florida, Where Republican Claude R. tk, Jr., was elected. The tion, “backbone of Democratic flectoral . successes since 1932, hoved Signs of disintegrating Ut the so-called Republican’ up- ode was of such a mixed char- tei that it cannnot be consi- Tight a victory for the ultra- Wherever voters had the op- Portunity to cast a meaningful Fallot On the Vietnam war, ad- cates of peace, of cessation of ‘2ombing, of deescalation won, T war hawks lost. y In Oregon, Republican Mark a atfield defeated Robert Dun- ee who had called for support ®! Johnson’s Vietnam war. _-n Montana, Democratic Sen. © Metcalf, one of 15 Senators oe © appealed to Johnson not to | ,“sume bombing of North Viet- _ 4m, won easily. q ao Kentucky, Democratic John inweman Young, who accused Shambent Republican Sen. John ean Cooper of being a dove Vietnam, was soundly beaten. a N.Y, State, Democratic, Rep. ohn Dow, one of the seven Con- 8tessmen who voted against ‘ore appropriations for the Viet- i War, defeated Republican igelS Mills, who made his main ae the support of the war. 4 ec in Albany, Daniel Button, -} ;*Mdidate of the Republican and | (‘eral parties, who campaigned for an anti-Vietnam war plat- orm, defeated his Democratic - ponent. a N.Y. voters, in reelecting Gov. no. fefeller as a minority gover- 4 or (he received 42 to 44 percent oy the vote), demonstrated more as fir rejection of Frank O’Con- oe the machine and Johnson- oned candidate, than their ap- "oval of Rockefeller. Not a single one of the Liberal Ee pe een gra ane eee liberal-Negro-labor coali-: freshment Congressmen elected jn the 1964 anti-Goldwater sweep were defeated by their reaction- ary opponents, even in places where there were independent _ peace candidates. Thus. not a single hawk was elected to Congress in New York. By any means not the least important indicator that the po- litical spectrum has not moved to the right was the impact reg- istered by the strong campaign of Herbert Aptheker who ran ‘as a known Communist. Approximately 3,000 peace and civil rights votes were re- corded for Herbert Aptheker, a prominent Communist running as an Independent in the 12 C.D. Brooklyn. It is not yet possible to ana- lyze the vote and campaigns of the many independent peace candidates but they added a new and important element to the New York political scene. . The most disturbing new de- velopment ‘in New York which _will have its. impact nationally was the police-racist-ultra-right- ist defeat of the civilian review board, by a vote of 1,307,738 to 768,492, with only Manhatten going for the review board. What makes this racist vic- tory all the: more menacing is that it marks the emergence on the political scene of the police, who by their very set-up are stragically situated to play an effective role in politics. This development, dented in U.S. politics, augers ill not only for New York but the nation. ae Unless the alarm is sounded and the menace met this prec- edent will not go unheeded by the police of the nation who were not only interested in the anti-review board campaign in New York but made substantial contributions to the drive led by the Patrolmen’s Benevolent As- sociation-Conservative Party and John Birch Society. The pattern established in New York, of a police alliance with racist ultra-- rightist groups, adds a new and dangerous element to the men- ace of the ultra-right. The victory of this coalition can be largely explained by the absence, in time, of a people’s coalition to expose its fascist- like menace and to combat it as such. Where a coalition of civil rights, church, civic and some labor groups came into existence a few weeks before the elections and went on the offensive on the issues of Birch leadership of the anti-civilian review board movement only about 3 weeks unprece-" ago, the police-racist-ultra-right- ist coalition was intensely active for more than a year. While some unions, notably Local 1199, Drug and Hospital "Employees Union, Fur Workers and the National Maritime Un- jon were actively involved in de- fense of the review board, most - of the unions took a hands-off attitude, thus allowing the racist poison to infect large sections of labor’s ranks unchallenged. Neither the Central Labor Council nor the State AFL-CIO took any position on the issue. Nor did the Left unitedly sound the alarm and concentrate sufficiently on this as a fascist- like. menace. In New Hampshire, retired Gen. Harrison Thyng, Republi- can, who advocated allout bomb- ‘ing of North Vietnam, lost. In Illinois, where Republican Charles Percy unseated Sen. Paul H. Douglas, part of Percy’s mar- gin was attributed to his advo- cacy of a softer policy on Viet- nam as opposed to Douglas’s complete support of President Johnson’s Vietnam war. This was true in a number of other races throughout the nation. Of particular significance was the balloting in Dearborn, Mich., where the electorate was allow- ed to vote on whether to with- draw U.S. troops from Vietnam 40 percent voted yes, despite the fact that this is the most ad- vanced ofall: propositions for peace in Vietnam. The so-called white backlash, which was expected by the poli- tical pundits to be a great factor in a Republican comeback and . in the South, proved in many cases to be a weak reed. Wher- ever it did win, as in California and in Florida, or wherever it helped to influence the vote, a great deal of the blame for this rests with President Johnson himself, with his threats against the Negro people for engaging in struggle for their rights; with the leadership of the labor move- ment, which refused to cam- pain among its white member- ship to combat white-suprem- acist propaganda; with the various state Democratic organi- zations, which capitulated to the racists. LONDON * PARIS $ MOSCOW @ RIO DE JANEIRO © PEKING * NEW DELHI. As a matter of fact, it was those Republican candidates, who. campaigned on an anti- racist platform who scored the greatest victories for the G.O.P., except in California and Florida, Among these was the Negro, Edward Brooke, who was chos- en by an overwhelming major- ity of whites, of Winthrope Rockefeller, who beat Jim John- son, the rapid Democratic segre- gationist in Arkansas, of Spiro Agnew, who defeated the racist Democratic candidate, George Mahoney, in Maryland. In both Arkansas and Mary- land, the GOP won as the result of a coalition of the Negro peo- ple, white liberal Democrats and “moderate” Republicans. That this is true was made clear by the fact that the other statewide candidates of the Democratic party won easily in their races. In South Carolina, the Demo- cratic party showed that it is possible to win through a coali- tion of “moderate” white Demo- crats and the Negro people. There the Republicans, led by the racist Sen. Strom Thurmond, sought to seize complete con- trol. But the state Democratic ticket, led by Gov. Robert McNair, and Senatorial candi- date Ernest L. Hollins, who cam- paigned on a platform of racial peace, won. Even in those states where the racist agitation was expected to have significant impact, this was not completely true. Im Chicago, a number of Negro leaders, op- posed to the Democratic ma- chine of Mayor Richard Daley, supported Percy. In Michigan, Gov. George. Romney received the votes of many Negroes. Cer- tainly, in New York, Gov. Nel- son Rockefeller was backed by a large section of the Negro peo- ple in his election victory. The. claims by Republican leaders, particularly of the ultra- rightist stripe, that the elections showed a great upsurge for ‘them do not hold up on exam- ination. In ¢he first place, the’ GOP gain of 40 seats in the ‘DJAKARTA War hawks and Johnson rebuffed in U.S. vote House at the expense of the De- mocrats, does not look so great. Of these, eight were in the South, and are only racist re- placements for white-suprem- acist Democrats; at least one of them is a liberal anti-Vietnam war man. : When it comes to the gains in the Senate, John Tower, the con- servative Republican in Texas, won only because the Negro people, Mexican-Americans, labor unionists and liberals re- fused to vote for his reactionary Democratic opponent, Waggoner Carr, who had been supported by Johnson. _ Evidence of the weakness of the claims of the Republicans can be seen in the victories of Governor Rockefeller in N.Y. and of Republican Sen. Clifford Case in New Jersey. Both of them had the overwhelming support of the usually Democratic-voting labor movement: And neither was able to swing the election of Repub- lican congressmen in their States. ; ure It is, however, when one comes to the wresting of eight governorships from the Demo- crats that one becomes most aware of the weakness of the Republican claims of.an upsurge. In all eight cases, they were not Republican victories, they were Democratic defeats. These de- feats were fashioned out of the bitter fights that took place in the eight state Democratic par- ties and left their organizations badly divided and directionless. The source of this division was the abandonment by the state Democratic leaderships of the liberal - Negro -labor: coalition, which has always been their only source of strength. Pan- icked by the racist propaganda, the Democrats spurned the Negro voters. The liberals were alienated by the support by the state Democratic machines of the President’s Vietnam war. And the leadership of the Jabor movement, instead of giving direction to the coalition, abdi- ‘cated its independence. SELF-PORTRAIT November 25, 1966—PACIFIC TRIBUNE—Page 9