N THIS centennial year of Cana- -J. dian Confederation there is much uncertainty concerning the future of this union of French and English-speaking Canadians. The situation is aggravated by threats te our political independence as a result of growing economic power of foreign capital and an unmistak- able trend towards continentalism. The Robarts government has called for a rededication to the principles of Confederation. As part ef such rededication the govern- ment has proposed a Confederation of Tomorrow Conference to discuss the future course of our federal system of government. What, precisely, are these prin- ciples of Confederation, to which we now must rededicate ourselves? It is not reasonable to assume after a time-span of 100 years, that, had these principles been sound and firmly dedicated to equality and. justice of the two principal part- ners to the union, in the first place, there would now be little question about its future course? The problem must be traced back to the British military conquest of the French in North America and the subsequent failure of the con- queror to absorb and to digest the vanquished. In fact it is a bad case of indigestion. The facts are that the union of British and French, within the flimsy framework of the British North America Act, has proved to be an unequal and dis- criminatory union. The growth of population, com- merce and industry,. within the fe- deral-provincial framework of the British North America Act has in- tensified the inequalities because of the high concentration of private economic power. This monopoly of economic power in private hands, oftentimes directed from abroad, has brought about extreme unevenness in economic growth, and in social and cultural advance- ment. The bringing into this coun- try of millions of immigrants from close to 70 different nations and ethnic communities, when added to the original inhabitants of Indian and Innuit people, has served to broaden the base of discrimination, unevenness in economic status and political confusion. Faced, as we now are, by a re- volution in technology, superim- posed upon class and national con- ~flict, the flimsy fabric of our con- federal structure is being literally pulled apart. The main areas of manufactur- ing, industrial and financial activ- ities in Canada are concentrated in Ontario and Quebec. Only Ontario and Quebec are large enough to challenge federal power in several important areas of public admin- istration. These two areas, plus the Maritimes, were the cradle of the early struggles of our pioneers, and of Confederation. It is, therefore, no exaggeration to say that the future of Canadian Confederation rests, in the main, upon economic and political developments now in the course of maturing in Ontario and Quebec. Needless .to state, gentlemen, this places an extra heavy responsibility upon you when you debate the Ontario pro- posal for a Confederation of To- morrow Conference to discuss the future course of our federal system of government. : ...With respect to the crisis of Canadian Confederation, Premier Robarts did on Feb. 1, last, outline For a united and independent Canada AN OPEN LETTER TO MEMBERS OF THE ONTARIO LEGISLATURE An open letter was addressed last week to all members of the Ontario Legislative Assembly by the Communist Party. The letter, sent to the members by Bruce Magnuson, the party's Ontario leader, discusses the “important issues confronting Canadian Con- fedration in this Centennial year’. Published here is the text of the letter. two distinct paths in dealing with the problem. The first and ‘‘negative” choice would be, in his words: ‘‘If English Canada, through lack of initiatives and positive steps, admits in prac- tice that Quebec is the nation state of the French-Canadians . . .”’ This, in Mr. Robarts’ mind would lead to “a continuation of a drift which recently has been taking place in federal - provincial affairs.” Mr. Robarts went on to suggest that this would Jead inevitably to a loose form of associate status for Quebec, or even separation. ww The second and so-called ‘“‘posi- tive’ choice, as outlined by Mr. Robarts, was that ‘‘We must accept the proposition that Canada is the enly nation state of French-speak- ing as well as English-speaking Canadians.” The acceptance of this proposition requires, .in the pre- mier’s view, “that English Cana- dians recognize by actual practice, and not only by words, that Can- ada is essentially a country of two societies and two founding peoples, in addition to the Indians and Eskimos.”” From this the premier drew the conclusion that “there is a fundamental difference between the position of a French Canadian outside of Quebee and a person whose ethnic origin is Ukrainian, Italian or of any other language group. other than English and French.” Besides getting his positives and negatives placed in reverse, Pre- mier Robarts failed to explain what he meant when he referred to “fun- damental difference’’ between a French Canadian outside Quebec and a person from other ethnic origin, other than English and French, except to say that Quebec did not legislate for French Cana- dians living in Ontario, But neither does Ontario look after English- speaking Canadians who live in Quebec. As a matter of fact, the difficulty seems to evolve around the pre- mier’s. confusion of nation with state, when the two are. entirely separate in many cases in real life. Today,, for example, Germany is one nation, yet is divided into two states, one of which is capitalist, the other socialist. It may help in this regard if an attempt is made to define more clearly what we mean by the word nation. Our Marxist definition of nation is as follows: “A nation is an historically constituted, stable com- munity of people formed on the basic. of a common language, ter- ritory, economic life, a. psycholo- gical make-up manifested in a com- mon Culture.” Looked at from this point of view, a French Canadian outside of Quebec, along with his fellow men of other ethnic groups, is a part of the English Canadian na- tion, whereas in Quebec the situa- tion is reversed and the English Canadian, along with members of other ethnic groups is a part of the French Canadian nation. Likewise, when the two nations join together in voluntary union, which then becomes a confederated state of Canada, the-powers of this confederal authority is delegated to it by voluntary agreement be- tween the two equal partners that make up that two-nation confederal state. But to let Mr. Robarts continue: “This positive choice for the future of our country does not necessaxily imply that all provinces must have the same relationship to the federal government in a country where two societies are recognized from coast to coast. It does mean that the ra- tionale behind the demands of Quebec for a greatly different status will be weakened. I believe that once Canadians have made a choice as to the general direction they wish this country to proceed, any discussion on the relative res- ponsibilities of the federal and provincial governments can follow pragmatically .. .” (All the above quotations from Premier Robarts are taken from pages 148 and 149, Legislature of Ontario Debates, Feb. 1, 1967. Em- phasis is ours.) The acceptance of Premier Ro- barts’ “positive” choice, we are told, means that Quebec’s demands for a greatly different status will be weakened. At the same time we are also told that this choice “‘does not necessarily imply that all pro- vinces must have the same rela tionship to the federal government in a country where two sociellé are recognized from coast coast.” a Which of the “two societies © mands of Quebec for “a greatl ferent status?” Obviously chauvinistic double-talk aimee impose a second-class status upot the French-Canadian people will Confederation. As for the matter of Telau responsibilities of federal and vincial governments within Cana dian Confederation, this is soll thing else again that cannot © successfully tackled and ae satisfactorily until the relations of English-speaking and Frege speaking Canada has been set AG Canadian Confederation, if © ceived of as a mere federation 10 equal provinces, is door Canadian Confederation, if © endure, must first of all pe bas upon the recognition of tw? eq! nations, nations with equal vig joined together in a yolun union. ee. We firmly submit to you able niembers of' the Ontarl lative Assembly, that the 0” de to solve the problems of Conte tions is to scrap the British - America Act and draw up # and democratic constitution "ig a new constitution should outcome of a wide public § fi sion and fullest public particle in its framing by both FF speaking and English - SP® Canadians, ee Such a new constitution j give unequivocal recognition two nations that go to M@re this country as a Confederall? must . specifically spell . mutual consent and agreem tered into on a voluntary 2 each of the two nations that 7 make up the new Confederay i. precisely what powers an ity, and in what specific areas, of the two nations are prepa delegate to the new Cont authority, or government. it Only by means of suc! m recognition of each other $ including each nation’s separate from each other there be a genuine voluntary of the two national com : within a new and lasting Confederation. Here, a5 !" dinary marriage based upon t respect for the equal rights righ party to such a union, the ive separate does not mean 4 une advocacy of divorce. of We call on the members Ontario Legislature to give cov thought to this matter ! the of debate on this issue, take action to bring ab0U constitution and a new a C unity of all Canadians ff? to coast. Only by s : become possible to un syst restructuring of our ta% ith which is now threaten plete collapse. Ontario Committe® Communist Party of May 6, 1967—PACIFICN