HEY say he sits in the White House brood- ing regurgitating vignettes about Vietnam from his Marine son-in-law. James Reston de- scribes him in the New York Times as “the last man at the Alamo.” The policy is in shambles, totally discredited and now deserted by all his advisers and hangers-on, yet midst the rumors from Paris and the scurrying of his ambassador in Saigon, the bombs keep raining down on the Vietnamese. . The debacle in Vietnam has set the scene for the naked assertion of the ultra-Right in the United States. Johnson’s war has paved the way for Richard Nixon, and the shattered illusions of the “Great Society” provide the feeding ground for George Wallace. Even today they speculate about a bombing halt in terms of the political needs of Hubert Humphrey. Will an end to it save Humphrey or is too late? How many Vietnamese will be murdered and maimed be- cause it won’t save Hubert Horatio, or will the “humanitarian” need to salvage the present ad- ministration’s future control over the pork barrel reprieve some intended victims? Without a shred or pretense of logic or justi- fication the tragic cause continues. One action by Lyndon Johnson—the unconditional end of bombing and other acts of war against North Vietnam—can bring about the conditions for a political. solution to the whole war. This condi- tion remains today, just as it did thousands of lives ago when the bombing of the North began. Some say that Johnson approached the war in Vietnam like a “good poker player, but one who raised the stakes and forgot that he could not play his aces.” The analogy may be crude but pertinent except that Johnson never did have the aces. These were held by the Viet- namese with their indomitable will and unity. They were held by the surging peace movement that undermined Johnson’s aggressive policy by inonumerebe demonstrations and acts of de- ance. There is no question that both Johnson and his policy have been defeated, yet in the debacle the policy continues and becomes more menac- ing as his term in office comes to a close. Waiting in the wings are men like Curtis LeMay who called for bombing Vietnam back “to the stone- age”. He is a condidate for vice-president, not an inmate in an institute for the criminally insane. 2 Rational thinking has never been a hallmark of desperate men, and the desperation of the rulers of the United States, aside from the Neanderthal from Alabama and his running mate, is mirrored in the policy keynotes of both Nixon and Humphrey. To make Johnson move in the final days of his administration towards peace in Vietnam is the principle task of the peace movement. It is this movement that has brought Lyndon Johnson down, but in the final analysis, it is not the man but the policy that must be changed. Unless the final push to the conference table can be made before the election, the movement that brought about the exit of Lyndon Johnson could well be thwarted in the aftermath of November 5. The issue is not the fate or the judgment of history on LBJ and the rest of the birds, but the strivings for an end to the carnage in Viet- nam itself. a adn ee renee RNE 4 3 ie RN A ACT OER Rhee tee HADNT a TT eT