HE BOOMERANG

> genocidal warfare against the people of Vietnam has
be not only destroyed the prestige of the U.S. monopolists’
d government, it has created broad fissures in the eco-
( Nomic structure of the economy itself. Likewise, it
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has Stirred millions to search their souls and turn
i¢’ their eyes with shame and outrage upon the gougers,
+) and grafters, and gunmen of the dominant monopolist
5 ruling class who have so wasted the wealth and be-
' Spoiled the patriotism of our people in the prosecution
we of this dirty war.
ce But the main objects of Washington’s cold war
4 Policies, the Soviet Union and the socialist countries,
a have marched steadily forward, despite all hardships
| thrown in their path, to attain victory after victory in
pe their prosperous development and in the unequaled
am €xpansion of their international prestige as the mighti-
a est bulwarks for peace and the progress of nations
sg that any age of man has ever known. :
a Washington and its confederates, those who built
a their bristling fortifications on the frozen foundation of
f Cold war considerations, who thought to threaten and
4 Cow the socialist world and the anti-imperialist forces
Si the non-socialist world by issuing ‘‘commands”
ii from “positions of strength,” are now compelled to
realize the stubborn truth that the most stable and ef-
fective Positions of strength in world economy and
a World politics are occupied not by them but by ‘the
ah Soviet Union and its partners in the socialist commu-
5! nity of states. It is from this position of material and
0 Moral Strength that the socialist countries are carrying
sf forth with such vigor their peace offensive.
The role and influence of the Soviet Union is.a very
ef decisive factor in this new level of the crisis of world
iti? Capitalism.
WV The great strength of the international position of
if the Soviet Union rests not only on the expanding com-
C il ee construction within the eauntry in the spheres
iv % economy, social well-being and political democracy, .
ut also on the fact that the Soviet Union stands att

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Japan Press Service

monstration in Japan against U.S. aggression in Vietnam

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the center of the alliance of the three main revolu-
tionary forces of our time—the socialist states, the
world working class movement, and the national libe-
ration struggle—which continue their historic growth,
consolidation and interaction. Thanks to its Marxist-
Leninist role in world politics, the Soviet Union is a
central factor in the furtherance of the world revolu-
tionary process and in compelling progressive re-
sponses to the universal aspirations of the peoples of
the whole world for. bringing about a situation where-
‘in the capitalist powers find it increasingly difficult
to commit acts of aggression and wage imperialist wars.
The work of the Soviet leaders over the past sev-
eral months in the international arena have taken on
the dimensions of -a crusade for peace, national libe-
ration and international social development. Visits to a
number of countries by. Brezhnev, Kosygin, Podgorny
of the Soviet Union; ‘the historic trip of Comrade Fidel
to Chile—these and other diplomatic efforts have led to
the conclusion of significant agreements which further
the process of: 1) strengthening the fraternal bonds
and accelerating the material and political develop-
ment of the socialist community of states, 2) consoli-
dating the alliance and multiplying the economic, poli-
tical-diplomatic and mutual-defense ties with the vic-
tims of imperialist aggression and the states and peo-
_ples struggling to secure their sovereignty and -in-
dependence from imperialisrn, and 3) the negotiation
of new mutually beneficial terms of peaceful coexist-
ence relations with capitalist countries which are re-
assessing their former cold-war postures of hostility
toward the Soviet Unionand socialist states. .
As an element in this activity, the government o
the Soviet Union has responded favorably to Nixon’s
proposal to visit Moscow next May. The outcome of
those talks will be determined by what Nixon is pre-
pared to bring to them. It is clear that the best pre-
paration that Nixon can make for his Moscow talks
on armaments, on expanding trade and other mutually
useful developments of relations with the Soviet Union
is for him to end the war in Indochina and withdraw
all of the armed forces of the U.S. from the soil and
waters of Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia and opt for a
just settlement of the Middle East crisis on the un-
animously agreed upon principles of the November 21,

1967, resolution of the Security Council of the United

Nations. -
®

In general terms, what will characterize this post-
war period we are now entering? = :

@ There will be a further decline in the growth
rate in the capitalist countries. It will be a period of
economic and political instability. The contradictions
between capitalist countries will greatly sharpen.

@ The confrontation between the working class and
the capitalist class will sharpen in all of the capital-
ist countries.

e U.S. influence will continue to decline. The
ability of U.S. imperialism to bully or_to retaliate will
continue to decline. :

@ The influence of the socialist sector will con-
tinue to grow.

The struggle for national liberation as well as the
struggle within the newly liberated countries are also
entering a new stage, 'as witnessed in South America
and Asia. The events in Chile opened up a new stage

“in the revolutionary process in South America. New
fronts will open up in Africa. In this stage we will see
the emergence of new contradictions—contradictions
reflecting the defeats and retreats of U.S. imperialism.
The struggle against U.S. domination in the industrial-
“ly developed countries will intensify.

We are now beginning to see the contradictions
which result from the massive post-war export of U.S.

. capital. We are now seeing the negative effects of the

unprecedented rise of overseas investments—the emer-
‘gence of the multinational corporations. The multina-
tional corporations will become pawns in the rivalry
between capitalist powers.

In the past period the capitalist world blockaded
trade with the socialist world. In this period there is
going to be a scramble for socialist trade. Without
concern for the position of U.S. imperialism, capital-
‘ist nations are making their own trade deals with the
socialist countries.

The new stage of the crisis will give rise to poli-

’ tical crises—as are evident in the USA and Japan. The

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GUS HALL

key question in the governmental crisis in Japan is its
close relations with the United States. The new stage
will force new alignments between nations, new rela-
tionships between the two world systems. This is evi-
dent in the program towards an all-European treaty.
It will force new political alignments in all of the
capitalist countries. 2
@

But imperialism and its apologists never give up.
The U.S.-dominated post-war structure—its strategic
cold war edifice—is crumbling, but U.S. imperialism
is hard at work trying to regroup the world forces of
imperialism. It is forced to retreat from some open
military confrontation but it continues to prepare, as
again shown by the irresponsible and arrogant nuclear
blast in Alaska. U.S. imperialism has not given up in
Indochina. It is’ forced to withdraw some ground
troops. But it has escalated the air war.

Imperialism does not automatically collapse. It .

will not give up. It will not give up. It will retreat only:
when it is forced to. It will try to take advantage of any
weakness. U.S. imperialism is not yet at the end of the
road. It has reserves. It will try to recoup its losses.

There is always the danger that in desperation
imperialism will resort to nuclear war.

What U.S. imperialism will do in this crisis large-
ly depends on what the people of the United States
will do.

We must clearly understand that while. the post-
war structure is crumbling it does not mean capital-
ism as such is crumbling. It is in a deep crisis, but
U.S. imperialism has not given up its policy of ag-
gression. It will maneuver. It will continue to try to
achieve its goals through other means. At a moment
when imperialism is forced toeretreat—to give up old
tactics—it is necessary that we never forget that it
does not change its basic nature or aims.

Thus, in this new stage the dangers will continue
—in fact they are even greater—but the forced retreat
of U.S. imperialism opens up new possibilities for
periods of forced peace. This new stage of the crisis
opens up new possibilities for peaceful coexistence be-
tween countries of the two world systems.

This new stage opens up new possibilities for the
work of the United Nations. This crisis will give
new strength to the forces in the liberated countries
that are for socialism. It is a difficult period for pup-
pets and stooges of imperialism. : :

This new stage adds a new dimension to the con-
clusion of the basic document of the world Communist
Conference of June 1969: ‘Imperialism can neither re-
gain its lost historical initiative nor reverse world
developments. The main direction of mankind’s devel-
opment is determined by the world socialist system,
the international working class, all revolutionary
forces.”’

The new stage in the crisis of world capitalism
presents new dangers, but, most important, it presents
the possibilities for new victories against imperialism.

The new stage calls for new initiatives, new strug-
gles. The new struggles call for a firmer worldwide
unity. There is a need for new initiatives to bring
about a new unity between the socialist nations. There
is a need for new initiatives to bring about a»new
world workingclass and trade union unity. There is a
need to take up the new ideological arguments ‘of ‘the
apologists for capitalism. As is the case with’ their
masters, they nevergive up. ~ ee

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PACIFIC TRIBUNE—FRIDAY, JANUARY 28, 1972—PAGE 7

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