il

|Fancies
"and Facts

. luvenile Delinquency
A “Each time I close my eyes
pind try to envision Little
g@3o0y Dewey with Churchill
®Wind Stalin at Teheran, or
Mlitting with adult Allied
, geaders at the peace table, I
age et either a blank or a night-
Wemjnare.” —— Frank Marshall
nl Davis of the Associated Ne-

| ond
wero Press in New Masses.

ag e
NE
of

2 Invalid’ Germany

‘q@g can see Germany after
o rer defeat. She will pretend
o be sick. She will lie lan-
Haid and weak in a chemise
ied with pink ribbons. She
pvill murmur about brother-
Biood, beg for help, for Ca-
qpiadian cereal, Chicago pork,
gor consumers goods and
meredits, for indulgence and
a mmesty.
my ls it possible that this
Pinvalid’ will not be drag-
Nied from her bed? Remem-
i her that the qiattress she is
a ying on is stuffed with wo-
mien s hair from Sobiburn,
Maidanek and Tremblyan-
2-7 —. Prom “Our People
Vill Guarantee That’ by
§lya Ebrenburg.

@

b?olish Version of .
i SCF in Coalition

“The Polish government-
exile, with headquarters in
# _ondon,
ite legacies from the era
ivben a feudal landed aris-
ocracy .and’ fascist military
ligue oppressed the Polish
Jecople. ... The government
filso has representatives
tom the social-democratic
(2olish Socialist party, which
)@s hostile to communism.
Phe fascist element is head-
sd up by General Sosnkow-
ski, a notorious Jew-hater.”’
(—Mrs. Dorothy Steeves in
SCF News.

a

e

The Sickness of
fThe 1930’s

“Tt is incorrect to say that
there are crises in the Pol-
sh emigre government.
What they have is a chronic,
limcurable disease. Its name
is-‘fear of democracy - - -
ffear of the will of the
people. Once this is clearly
understood the issues involv-
ed will also be clearly un-
derstood.’? —- Boleslaw Ge-
bert in the Sunday Worker.

includes unfortun-

Jobs in the Postwar

Extracts from a Broadcast by William Kashtan, Toronto:
City Organizer of the Labor-Progressive Party

i SAS

lt is our National
obligation to main-
tain Production at
maximum to _se-

cure the Peace

WiLL there be jobs in the

postware That is the
$64.00 question uppermost
in the minds of working

men and women at home
and in the Armed Forces.
This question is on every -
omnes mind because there is
deep uncertainty and fear
about the future. That fear
grows out of the unhappy
experiences ef the last war
and the “terrible thirties’
And it is being aggravated
tight now because of war
contract ‘cut-backs in many
Toronto war plants: [ feel
sure that you will agree that
just as we have striven for
maximum production and
employment to defeat and
destroy German barbarism,
so also it should be our na-
tional duty and obligation
tO maintain maximum pro-
duction and employment to
win the peace.

Admittedly we face an enor-.

mous and complicated prob-
lem. The needs of this terrible
war and the cooperation of la-
bor, management and govern-
ment, made it possible for us to
expand production at a pace
never hefore known in our his-
tory. And we produced the
goods, as the Axis knows to its
sorrow! In the course of pro-
ducing, the following occurred:
The number of gainfully em-
ployed people grew from 3,000,-
000 in 1939 to over 5,000,000
at present, if you include the
750,000 men and women in uni-
form. Industry expanded in four
years as much as it did in a
normal 25 years period. Agri-
culture production rose, despite
a drop in the number of people
engaged in that field. Addi-
tional hundreds of thousands of
people have acquired skills they
neyer had before. And industry
can produce more goods now
with less manpower than was
the case previously.

_ What does it all add up to?
It adds up to the following:
That haying produced the goods
to knock out German fascism
very shortly, and confident of
settlmg accounts with Hirohito
and his clique in Japan, we are
now face to face with the more
complex job of reconverting in-
dustry to the production of
peace-time goods and services.
The task facing the country and
government is not to assure
jobs for three million as was
the case in 1939—but over 4.7
million, which would include
war workers and the men and
women in the armed forces.

In other words, we dare not
go back to production levels
of 1939 except under penalty
of having over two million
unemployed in Canada.

My party, the Labor-Progres-
sive, does not accept or endorse
the position of prophets of
doom and defeatism. No, we

are maintaining

cannot go back to 1939. But
whether we do or don’t depends
upon the carrying out of such
policies that can maintain pres-
ent production levels and full
employment.

From that standpoint, it
would be worse than folly to
approach the problem of recon-
version from 2 pre-war point of
view. It must be tackled from
the standpoint of present pro-
duction levels. In other words;
reconversion of industry must
be tackled with the national

goal in view of converting and
organizing Canadian industry
to enable it to produce for
peace on the same level as we
produce for war.

Can we realize that objec-
tive? Does anything stand in
the way of our doing so? There
are no insuperable technical
difficulties in the way, because
the war has amply demonstra-
ted the ability of government,
management and labor to tackle
and solve technical difficulties,
to surmount them and in fact
produce new types of equip-
ment for the war, of which we
may all well be proud. What
then stands im the way? We
full produc-
tion and employment, _ because
there is no problem of a market
for what we produce in the way.
of ammunition, aircraft, ships
and everything else that the
war requires. In fact the only
limit to our capacity to pro-
duce, is manpower shortages
coupled with shortages of es-
sential raw materials. For the
past five years we have had

_ an unlimited market and there-

fore production has expanded
and full“employment was main-
tamed. The question arises—
will we have that unlimited
market in the postwar years ?

Tf such markets are unavail-
able, all talk and chatter about
reconversion, all arguments for
full employment will fall to the
-‘sround.

Ss:

H WILL therefore face a

two-fold war problem. First,
+o increase the consumption of
goods in Canada. In other
words, to expand the home
market beyond that of 1939
levels. To accomplish that, to
enable the majority of wage-
earners to purchase the goods
produced. wage envelopes must,

at least. be as full as the pres-
ent wage envelopes. For that
reason we will need a new na-
tional wage and labor policy
including: Higher minimum
wages—a shorter work week of
say 40 hours—equal pay for
equal work—and last, but not
least —a guaranteed annual
wage for all workers. J

Secondly, policies must be
pursued that would enable us to
find a market in the world for
goods produced here, over and
above that consumed by us in
Canada. To have such a market
you must have a stable, orderly
world, such as was planned at
the great Teheran conference
by Churchill, Roosevelt and
Stalin, and further elaborated
at the Dumbarton Oaks con-
ference recently. Canada must
have world cooperation and
peace in order to prosper.

What then stands in the way
of jobs in the postwar? Some
of our Canadian Tory reaction-
aries say in effect: We must
have centralization within the
Empire and Commonwealth of
Nations into a closed tariff

union, the same policy as that
adopted by Mr. R. B. Benneit’s
government in 1930. This would
lead inevitabley to a new tariff
war in the postwar period. It
would mean economic war. Be-
hind this dangerous idea is the
rejection of United Nations’
unity in postwar. Our reaction-
aries still belong to the Hitler
anti-Communist cult.

Qn the other hand some CCE

spokesmen in effect say: We
can solve our problems in Can-
ada without cooperation with
the rest of the world. But if
such policies became the domi-

nant policies of Canada—that °

is— policies of economic isola-
tion from the world—it would
equally lead to economic ruin
and disaster.

Unfortunately, the CCF in-
stead of cooperating with other
progressive groups to carry out
an effective reconversion pro-
gram; instead of cgoperatine to
defeat those who would under-
mine the possibility of orderly,
stable progress in the postwar,
makes the issue socialism ver-
sus capitalism and thereby
gives aid and comfort to those
who wish to scuttle essential
reforms, without which full
production and jobs cannot be
achieved.

e@

{pas it is not enough to say
that yeu are for full produc-
tion and employment, your poli-
cies decide that—not your
words.

My friend, Tim Buck, nation-
al leader of the labor Prosres-
Sive Party places the case very

The tree of

simply when he says, I quote:
“We can have full employment
in Canada after the war. It
won't be easy. There will be
serious problems when hun-
dreds of thousands of workers
are laid off, but, with careful
planning and policies based up-
on the nation’s needs, they can

all go to other jobs and equally
. £00d ones.

If proper policies
are pursued we can maintain a
postwar level of employment
and purchasing power equal if
not higher than the relative

_ prosperity brought by the war.”

I think that Tim Buck hits
the nail on the head when he
proposes: Rapid reconversion
of war industry to civilian pro-
duction. A bold Dominion-Pro-
vineial-Municipal program of
large scale construction to pro-
vide employment for hundreds
of thousands of workers, to

keep the wheels of industry

turnins: and to maintain pur-
chasing power. Government ac-
tion to maintain Canadian ex-
ports at a basic minimum of
two billion dollars per year
throughout the immediate post-
war period. A special fund to
supplement unemployment in-
surance benefits now available
to all men and women tempor-
arily out of jobs during the’ re-
conversion of war industry to
civilian production. —

A mighty new page of human
history is openins, my friends.
We are winning this war and
the people wall not be satisfied
unless we win the peace: Jobs
for, all, full employment, flour-
ishine trade—these are the
foundations of the new Canada
that you and I and all Gana-
dians will build. For this is the
only way to keep faith with our
boys overseer and our children.

bitter Rowers:

2