7: 12 Can We Still Build Ship “Can we still build ships?” This was the question asked by one of our daily papers this week, The editorial, pointing out that a post-war shipbuilding industry will have to exist in competition with other shipbuilding nations by building at comparable prices, clinches its argument with the bald state- ment that wages represent the chief cost of everything and hints that the mea working in our shipyards should take this into consideration when they are building ships for post-war trade after they have finished building them for war. This approach to the post-war problem is typical of those coming from people who see nothing but a return to the condi- tions of 1939 and a period of cut-throat competition for world markets, with its inevitable devastating effect on the living standards of the people. It is based on the assumption that the peoples of Europe will be willing to return to the low wage rates of pre-war days. It ignores the costs represented by the super-profits gouged out of industry during the war years— the tremendous expansion of plant and equipment paid for with public money, which will revert to private industry upon ihe cessation of hostilities. For example, the pamphiet, Wages and Profits in Wartime, prepared by the Labor Research Association, points to a group of 930 corporations in heavy indus- tries showing a net profit of $599 152269 after payment of all taxes and charges, representing the highest profits in ten years, 7i percent above the 1939 level. Seven shipbuilding companies doubled the profits shown in 1939. Significantly, a comparison of the average rise in wages with the rise in profits reveals that while the net profit of industrial corporations rose 27 percent there was only a 6 percent rise in wages for the same period re- viewed. Other significant figures from ihe same source show that in- creased productivity means that wage rates can be increased without either lowering profits or increasing prices. it is calcu- lated that while average factory wages rose 23 percent during the period 1929-40~ man-hour produc- tion rose 41 percent while labor cost dropped i2 percent and the cost of living 15 percent. The general advance in the productivity of labor continually lowers the percentage of wages in relation to the total value of the product. So much for the phoney argument that wages must be lowered if B.C. shipbuilders are te compete in a post-war world. S a2 IS hard to get any bona-fide information on the total cost of ship production on the Pacific Coast, much less a breadown of the cost into wages, materials, iransportation, and so on. Nev- ertheless, it is safe fo assiumme that a high percentage of the cost would be represented in the transporiation of steel and com- ponent parts, Al Parkin dealt very ably with the need of establishing a steel mill on this coast in his article last week, pointing out that this would remove one of the biggest obstacles to establishment of a permanent shipbuilding industry on the coast During the past few years thousands of workers have been trained as shipbuilders. They have become proficient at their trades, but the present perspec- tive of closing down the ship- building industry here at the end of the war gives them no hope of being able to follow those frades in the industry here. The needs of Canada as a ma- jor industrial country in the post- war period will in all probability lead to building up of a big mer- chant marine flying the Canad- jan flag. The CPR will need passenger liners to replace those lost during the war, and considerable work will be involved in reconverting liners and freighters now being used as troop transports. Coast- wise traffic will grow with more vessels to handle it. The opening up of the North country with its vast stores of iineral and oil wealth will en- hance the importance of Pacific Coast ports. There is no reason why the major part of this shipping can- not be built here, subsidized by the government, if necessary, in order to maintain an indus- try built up at great expense . to the nation. Se | Pad eranun eke of shipyard anions from all shipbuilding centers in the province in con- ference on September 27, decided to go into the question of the future of the industry extensively, Realizing the vital importance of preserving the industry they ap- pointed a committee to conduct an investigation and present the findings to the public in order (co arouse public interest in ques- tion of the future of British Co- Jumbia’s shipbuilding industry. It is a question which should concern everyone for, related to ihe demand for establishment of a steel industry here, it is of the utmost importance in post-war planning e HE question demands an out look and approach reflecting the people’s determination to make this indeed the “Century of the Cemmon Man.” instead of the cutworn concepts of 1939 which promise only a return to poverty and unemployment with profits built out of low wages enforced by a surplus of labor. If victory is to be followed by a people’s peace, a peace from which the pre-war depression bogeys of unemployment, want und economic insecurity are to be completely banished, then la- bor’s strength and influence must be retained and extended. e oday blueprints for the peace are appearing everywhere. In this province the bankers and the brewers, through speeches, pamphlets and advertisements are extolling the virtues of “free enterprise” and throwing the blanket charge of totalitarianism over all suggestions of collective endeavor. The attitude of these big business groups towards post- war problems is manifested in the increasing attacks upon or- ganized labor. The King government has given no indication that it intends to make the obvious readjustments urged upon it in the submissions to the special hearings of the National War Labor Board. Some form of family bonus is hinted at. but no attempt will be made, apparently, to adjust substandard wages. Meanwhile, the adamant refusal to grant elementary rights of collective bargaining is forcing workers to strike in order to maintain their organizations. The shape of things to come after the war is being determined now. This desire on the part of reactionary employers, aided by the government’s labor policy, to ier tis Maer seine Daa MEE abate se Should a steel mill be established on the Pacific Coast? Must the shipyards in Vancouver, Victoria and Prinee Rupert be closed down wwieen present war Con- tracts are completed? In this article, CHARLES SAUN- DERS, president of the Dock and Shipyard Workers Union, con- tinues the discussion opened by the editors on the future of our shipbuilding industry. Our readers, and particularly shipyard workers, are invited to send in their own views and com- ments for publication. pursue the drive against organ- ized labor, coincides with the views of these self-same people regarding the character of the post-war world. This policy of fighting organized labor and dis- rupting national unity when a su- preme effort must be made to smash Nazi Germany on the sec- London Letter M.P.’s Discuss Churchill's Stat Des despite pro- test, especially from the parliamentary Labor Party, members of parliament this week faced their constituents with various explanations and defenses of Winston Church- ill’s first speech since his re- - turn from Quebee and Wash- ington. Whatever angle this or that M.P. chooses to emphasize the one, outstanding positive feature in an otherwise negative and dis- appointing speech is this: Prime Minister Churchill frank- ly dropped overboard those who, imagining that they were sup- porting him, had for days before his return been trying to pre- tend that Italy is a real second front. They were even publishing ludicrous tales in the press to the effect that as many as 70 Ger- man divisions were in Italy. The second positive fact was that Churchill — much better aware of the real state of popu- Jar opinion in this country than many of his so-called expert ad- visers—frankly faced the second front issue as major and predom- inant. Churchill didn’t underestimate public feeling. in this matter. There are those around him who have constantly tried to repre- sent the second fronters as “arm- chair strategists” and “Trafalgar Square tacticians.” They've tried to create the im- pression that the second front demand is somehow manufac- tured by a small minority in Bri- tain. Churchill, who returned on the day of one of the biggest second front demonstrations in SEEN UTI Stai ond front helps those who ad- vocate a negotiated peace. e ABOR is making huge strides today. Conventions held all over the continent show a new awareness in the ranks of organ- ized labor. The political action committees set up by the CIO By FRANK PITCAIRN Trafalgar Square and who was met a few hours after his arrival by a big factory demonstration at Downing Street, saw the siuation more clearly. There were those listening to the Prime Minister who consid- ered that, in view of his own sen- sitivity to real British opinion, he felt a certain relief at being able to speak out, however fog- gily, on the second front issue in a fashion impossible for him while still on American soil, and under the immediate influence of the Quebec decisions. se e ° HEN that much is said, it must be admitted that the speech didn’t make much of an impression. I myself was in the lobby of parliament, and I had the personal impression that the M.P.s were left with a certain flatness. Equally it has to be said that much of the oppositional attack on the speech was along pretty academic lines. They -made, for example, a big play over the re- cognition of Marshal Badoglio and the House of Savoy as though this were some scandalous new “Darlanism,” forgetting ap- parently that the Italian anti- fascist and anti-German movye- ment has always been fully pre- pared to act with Badoglio and with the royal house provided that the latter acted effectively against the Germans and against the fascists within Italy. The real failure of Anglo-Amer- ican policy toward Italy was thus not stressed in the House. For it consisted precisely in the failure to contact and support to the ful- lest extent the broad popular movement, particularly in the northern Italian industrial cities during the period of the armis- tice negotiations. find their parallel in res on independent politi endorsed by the maj union centers in Cana tremendous support for i | tional labor unity reflects lization that if labor is voice in shaping the world, that unity must now. These are the questions will be decisive. In the for a speedy victory, in solidation of all of labo for coalition warfare and @ defeat of the Axis : born the strength to esta} people’s peace and place the road to new horizons — man progress. : It is from an understanc these conflicting forces ™ unionists in the shipyards all organized workers a people generally will haye — ceed in answering the gu What is the future of Brit lumbia’s new industries? We have proven the yah importance of these indust war production. Nobody qu ; the quality of our produc have produced with surpris ficiency, considering the { reluctance of employers erate in functioning labc agement committees. Now must preserve, unite and its strength to give leader | carrying these wartime plishments into the p- period. Cuca explanati | this point were not | unconvincing, but contirn impression that the Angit ican authorities are basic.’ interested in the political opments in Italy, preier carry out in routine fashic pre-arranged military pla This truth was underli the developments in Cors Sardinia later whereof Beaverbrook’s Evening Si writes: ; “Superb timing and int explottation of the Allied? suecesses marked the ady Fighting France took alo forward towards resuml battle against Hitler ¢ sacred soil of the homel” “From every undergrowt every hill and valley © patriots sprang into ac ion illas were converted i pact army—the first Vit army of popular insurgel side Nazi-occupied Francs “The Allied commande made elaborate plans for vasion of Corsica. But é mando landing in a place” with political dynamite ¢) job. “Corsica is not the onl packed with political ds but the lesson of Corsica every move towards coord Allied political warfare W? tary strategy is a move t converting negative