4 THIS WEEK: The War Fronts, The t The War Orel Can Mean Quick Victory Orel and Belgorod have fallen under the hammering of the Red Army. The great summer offensive of the Soviet forces opened on July 14 and directed at the powerfully-fortified Nazi bastion on the central front, is at the end of its first objective. The Webhr- macht is in retreat, falling back through the narrow escape corridor toward Bryansk under Red Army artillery fire. The decisive rout of the German army has opend the way for the second phase of the giant struggle — a possible drive through the Sea of Azov that would trap giant German forces in the south. Then the way to the west would be open — the final drive against all Nazi forces on oviet soil would be under way. Only one prerequisite remains — and its working out lies in the hands of the Allies, not the Red Army. That prerequisite is the opening of the second front in Western Europe immediately. No other move, or combination of moves can fill the needs, the great opportunities, of this moment. For the first time since 1941, the Red Army has “liquidated” the Nazi offensive and has iaunched one of its own that already has the German high command whin- ing their excuses. In Sicily, final triumph of the Allied armies can only be a matter of days. Italian fascism is bankrupt, the Balkans are seething with opposition to the Hitlerite occupation forces, the underground movements of France and the Lowlands are ready to move at the first signal of an in- vasion. To ignore the potentially tremendous developments certain to follow an cffensive in Western Europe by continuing to stress the air war factor, important as it un- doubtedly is, will be to guarantee against the defeat of Hitler within the next few months, perhaps ex- tend the war for years. “Were is another voluntary enthusiast for German labor, Herr Laval .. .” What Will Follow Sicily? What will be the situation facing the Allies when the Sicilian campaign is ended? The Canadian, British and American armies, virtually intact after the sprint northward, will be only two miles from the continent of Europe, with Italian cities subject- ed to heavy bombing raids, and thousands of ships at their dis- posal. Across the Straits of Messina, guarded and blockaded by the British fleet, will be the outer peri- meter of Hitler’s European fortress. Inside the fortress, bounded by the Atlantic, the Northern Seas, the Eastern Front and the chain of mountains from the Pyrenees to the eastern slopes of the Balkans, will be some 300 German divisions. More than 200 will be on the East- ern Front, with most of their armor and much more than half of the Luftwaffe, while over a remaining territory twice as large as the oc- cupied regions of the USSR, less than 100 distinctly second-rate di- visions will be spread thinly. Our strategy, as Max Werner ad- mirably puts it, should be: @® The main attack to be deliv- ered from the British Isles across the Channel. @ Flanking operations against Seandinayia and the “soft under- belly” of Europe across the Medi- terranean or the Straits of Mes- sina. @ Diversionary stabs in as many directions as possible. The situation is simple: the great- est weapon of destruction against the Wehrmacht, the main enemy, is the Red Army. We want the Red Army to be a battle-axe, not only a shield. To make it that we must, before the summer is out, take off some of the weight which burdens it. é This can only be achieved by a direct attack against the Wehr- macht in the West. Diversionary attacks against Norway and Italy are also necessary, though they can only be attacks calculated to draw Hitler’s forces in as many direc- tions as possible. The big danger in the present Italian situation lies in the fact that the attention, given to it by Allied leaders tends to over-emphasize its importance, and obscures somewhat the basic ques- tion, which is this: that so far, aside from the air attacks on Germany, no part of the German army is being engaged by Allied forces. Un- til this situation is changed, there is no likelihood of a decisive change in the present relationship of military power. The ‘Island To Island’ Policy In the Pacific war, events of the last few weeks have proved again the apparent futility of conducting an island to island advance against Japanese positions. American troops have been besieging the important Japanese base of Munda for the past six weeks. The daily advance against this stronghold has sometimes been measured in yards. The Japanese Barrison, occasionally reinforced by air and sea, is resisting stub- bornly, and though there is little doubt of final conguest of the posiiton, progress has been so slow that serious questions have again been raised as to whether the pol- icy of forcing the Japanese slowly back along the whole line of their Pacific garrisons may not be fatal in any perspective of a -swift knockout blow which would be pos- sible were it delivered from, say, the mainland of China, with di- versionary attacks from the Aleu- tians and Burma. This whole policy seems, how- ever, to have strong support in high quarters in the U.S. Navy. It is the policy of the defeatist Pacific Firsters, voiced by such people as WVice-Admiral Horne, who recently maintained that the United States must prepare for War against Japan until 1949. Such an outlook ignores, of course, the whole strategy of co- alition warfare as supported by Roosevelt and Churchill, which envisages an all-out attack on Hit- ler Germany as the center of the Axis. Such an attack, carried out with all the resources at the command of the United Nations, could well smash the Nazis in 1943, and leave the way clear for a turn against Japan that would crush the might of the inland empire in relatively brief time. United States - Wallace’s Detroit Speeeh Though the occasion is over a week old, the American people this week were still discussing Vice President Henry A. Wal- lace’s speech in Detroit in which he met the challenge of the deteatist and negotiated peace crowd scheming to take over the Democratic Party by plainly show- ing that he is ready and willing to give leadership to the millions of Americans who are determined to achieve victory in the war and in the peace. To those who had hoped to drive a wedge between President Roose- velt and the vice-president on the issue of Wallace’s dismissal as head of the Board of Economic Warfare, his tribute to FDR must haye come as a sharp disappoint- ment. And he went on to put his finger on the enemy within by declaring there were “powerful groups who hope to take adyant- age of the president’s concentra- tion on the war effort to destroy everything he has accomplished on the domestic front over the last ten years.” Speaking in the center of the re- cent racial outbreaks and before an audience composed largely of war workers, Wallace minced no words in condemning as abettors of fascism “these who fan the fires of racial prejudice,’ and those who seek destruction of trade unions: And to the enemies of labor he delcared that “97 percent of labor has cooperated 100 percent with our government in the war effort.” Complementing the four duties of the war which he cited in his famous “Century of the Common Man” speech last year, the US Vice-President outlined three peacetime responsibilities: “The responsibility for enlight- enment of the people, the respon- sibility for mobilizing peacetime® production for full employment, the responsibility for planning world cooperation.” He expressed his conviction that management, labor and the govern- ment must continue to work to- gether in the peace to assure full employment and prevent a return to “a capitalism of scarcity such as that which produced both 1929 and 1932.” Finally, he linked this with the question of international cooperation, with the question of continuing the teamwork with the British and of becoming “better acquainted with our new friends, the Russians.” What Wallace had to say at De- troit was charged with a new mili- tancy that bespoke his willingness to lead in the dust and heat of the day-to-day battle. Many see the words of his speech as a weapon in the war and signpost for the peace. Latin America United Labor In Chile Among the week’s most significant developments is the pros- pect of a unified party of the Chilean working class, one of the direct consequences of the Communist International’s dissolution Jast May. The proposal for a unified party of the Chilean workers was ac- cepted in principle last week after meetings among the central com- mittees of the Chilean Commun- ists, the Chilean Socialists and a smaller party kpown as the So- cjalist Workers Party. The unified party will probably take actual form after the con- gress of the Socialist Party in August, and the congress of the main Chilean Confederation of Labor, later in the same month. Alreedy cooperative action by the parliamentary representatives of the Communists and Socialists has begun, and Socialists are re- ported from Santiago working on the Communist daily paper El Siglo. It is also, reported that the President of the Republic, Juan Antonio Rios, is expected to re- organize his cabinet when the unt- fied workers’ party is formed. It comes as a direct conse- quence of the dissolution of the Comintern, and has its parallel in the movement for the unifi- cation of the Swiss working class where the Socialist Party is making overtures to the Com- munists, and the Socialist Feder- ation, a left-wing group. Unity of the Chilean workers is further seen as a boon to the progressive and labor movements in the American hemisphere, strengthening Chile and all Latin America in the fight against the Axis. ~ Worl CTAL Joins Twenty thousan § Labor Palace last 3 council of the Coy) nounced its pledge ¢ arity with the Italia: their efforts to overt - and bring peace to. hailed the rising str Italian people for G heralding the desruc cism. E It was an import Stressing the need foj al labor cooperation ii ing the destruction throughout the world tive council called f ence of world labor. affiliate to the Anglo union committee. In 4,090,000 CTAL work teen countries, it d ‘thousands of Latié workers stand ready the battlefronts.” ff i investigation of the pi} independence for Puej CTAL President Y bardo Toledano annc for creation of nation % propagate the princip! lantic Charter, “whit Wy i ri : ¥ peace and justice for # : } Citrine For The main ques! Congress are “how -second front in Hur: trade union committe: ed so as to inciude the ments of all the coun the Axis,” Sir Walter general secretary, stat ’ turn to England this An English sailor Wazi sub crewman in 19 months. blasted to the pott« sinking more and announcement say«