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By Victor Perlo

Genera Dynamics was No. 1 armament
contractor in fiscal 1974; Lockheed was No.
1 armament contractor in fiscal 1975 —
both are behind Jimmy Carter in fiscal
1976. So is Admiral Hyman Rickover, who
sold Congress and President Ford on nucle-
ar submarines made by General Dynamics.

And those connections explain why, in
private talks with his staff, Carter said a-
further $20-$30 billion rise in the my
budget might be necessary.

The military-industrial complex is a key
factor in Carter’s corner. But there are
also the big oil and gas interests; the main
Wall Street groupings, including the Rocke-
feller and Morgan interests; and a signifi-
cant portion of the pro-Zionist forces,
which switched from Jackson.

All of these mean money. Big money. '
And in exchange for that money, Carter is
deeply committed to policies that will tend
to make him a reactionary President, par-
ticularly dangerous with respect to foreign
policy and the oppressed peoples within the
United States. :

So Carter has been able to steamroller
toward the Democratic nomination be-
cause behind him, are more millions than
his rivals have.

Before Pennsylvania, Shriver, Bayh,
Harris and Stapp had successively run out
of funds and dropped out. The three re-
maining — Carter, Jackson, and Udall —
were running neck and neck. But now only
Carter has funds left to blanket the state
with TV spots, and to rush from place to
place in a chartered jet, accompanied by a
big publicity entourage. This accounted for
his not-so-impressive Pennsylvania plural-
ity, based on voters who cared little for any
of the candidates, but had heard most about
Carter. And, by decision of the media own-
ers who know what big money means in-
U.S. politics, Carter was made the odds-
on-favorite, positioned to start a band-
wagon rush towards a first ballot nomina-
tion.

eae family is one of the rulers of
Sumter County, sandy peanut country in
the southwestern Georgia Black Belt. They
were slave owners and Confederate sol-
diers, and remain plantation owners and
local officials. Carter personally became
manager of the family property. With 2,500
acres — 4 square miles is a lot of peanuts —
a warehouse, and capital to buy the crop of
small farmers, this amounts to a business
well into the millions of dollars yearly. It
is.a business based on the ruthless exploi-
tation of some of the lowest paid, mainly
Black, farm laborers, and on the plunder-
ing of poor farmers by buying low and sell-
ing high.

This background, and his record and
promises, have assured the biggest capital-
ists and their professional representatives
that Carter can most reliably and ruthless-
ly advance their monopoly class interests
as president.

Business Week cites an investment
banker who formerly financed politicans
because of personal connections or partic-
ular advantages. He goes further for Car-
ter because “Carter genuinely turns me
on.”’

Business Week further quotes a Lehman
Brothers partner and the head of Shearson

- Hayden Stone — a large brokerage house —

PACIFIC TRIBUNE—OCTOBER 29, 1976—Page 6

as saying they support Carter because he is
“fiscally conservative’’ and won’t spend
for social purposes, ‘‘which is pretty re-
freshing.”’ (4/12)

Carter’s military connections go way -

back. An Annapolis graduate, he served in
the Navy for seven years, becoming a lieu-
tenant commander and working under Ad-
miral Rickover on the nuclear submarine
program. He left the Navy in order to man-
age the family property when his father
died. Rickover, whose Washington promo-
tional activities.are right up General Dyna-
nics’ alley, is now Carter’s advisor on mil-
itary affairs.

As governor of his state, Carter took
free rides on the executive jets of the Coca-
Cola Company and Lockheed Aircraft, the
two biggest companies in Georgia. He did
more than take free rides from Lockheed,
however: he went along on a three-week
South American selling trip of the compa-
ny, on which he lent his prestige as gover-
nor to the sales effort. After his governor’s

term expired, he went to Brussels, locale
of NATO headquarters, to set up a Georgia
state sales office of which he appointed a
Lockheed executive as director. :
Among Carter’s publicized contributors
is Mrs. Nathan Cummings, whose husband,
a close associate of Chicago financier Hen-
ry Crown, is part of the control group, a

‘director and member of the executive com-

mittee, of General Dynamics.

The key oil and gas endorsement was
from Oklahoma Governor David Boren,
chief lobbyist among Democratic politi-
cians for deregulation of natural gas prices,
which would add billions to the profits of
gas and oil companies, and tens of billions
to consumer ‘costs. Oklahoma politics are

dominated by Kerr-McGee and Phillips.

Petroleum. The state is particularly im-
portant in natural gas, ranking third in
output of ‘‘blue fuel.”

Following private conversations, Boren
said Carter had endorsed ‘‘temporary”’ de-
regulation of natural gas. Carter could not

_ that we can do much more..

deny this although he tried to wiggle aun
it when he was called on Boren’s statement. | :

Another Carter supporter is Alexander

Trowbridge, Jr., formerly an Esso (now

(Exxon) executive before becoming Com-

merce Secretary under President Lyndon @

Johnson. A number of other Carter suppor

ers and advisors are close to or work for @

the Rockefeller interests, which are not @

exactly divorced from oil.

“Senator Jackson and Governor Carter q
supported the Vietnam War to the bitter @
end” (N.Y. Times editorial, April 4). This”

is hardly surprising considering Carter 5%

militaristic background and the identity
his most prominent foreign policy advisor:
Dean Rusk and — most aciively — Zbi
niew Brzezinski. ~

Rusk gave up the preatienny of the
Rockefeller Foundation to be Secretary of
State. Brzezinski is the long-time head of 7

the anti-Soviet research center at Columbia :
University, dominated. by Rockefeller inte- Jj

rests, and is also director of the Trilate-

ral Commission, a grouping of the top ty-

‘coons of the United States, Western Eur

ope and Japan who are striving to coordi-
nate policy among all imperialists. Carter

himself has served on Trilateral Commis-

sion bodies.
Brzezinski is a very important, and very
sinister, foreign affairs specialist of the

United States. He is the son of a diplomat”

in the prewar Polish fascist-regime and he

is married to Emilie Ann Benes, a niece of.

Eduard Benes, the last bourgeois president ~

of Czechoslovakia, notorious for his capil
lation to Hitler in 1938.

Bits has the particularly stroné 4,

hatred of socialist countries that is com

mon to members of expelled former ruling)

classes. He can never give up the dream of
counterrevolution, especially in the tw?
countries with which he and his wife hav
the closest connections. Nor has he limite’

himself to counterrevolutionary propagat &

da and research. In the late spring of 1968;
counterrevolutionary forces got him an in-
vitation to give a three-week lecture’ series
at a Prague university, where he did his
best to stir up the attempted anti-Commu
nist coup. Fortunately, forces within Cz&

choslovakia and among its Warsaw Pact al

liés were able to thwart. the specter of
a Chilean-type junta in central Europe.
Carter’s key foreign policy campaig?

speech, delivered to the Chicago Council 08 |
- Foreign Relations on March 15, reads like? |.

Brzezinski opus, and may well have bee?
his. Carter said, ‘‘It is too much to expect
. than reduc
the areas of irritation and conflict and ley
sen the danger of war’ with socialist

countries. This fundamentally repudiate>

the Helsinki accords, and the trend starte
in various agreements for. cooperation be

tween the USSR and the USA concluded if —

the early 1970s. He joined the ultra-right
pack by accusing the Ford Administratio?

of “giving up too much and asking for too”

little,” and in another speech claimed thé
“‘Russians’’ have ‘‘gotten the better of us’

in every deal, including the joint spact M

flight! j
' In Chicago he stressed. tightening the

imperialist alliances covering the Trilate

ral Commission area, calling these the

“strong and stable inner core” of thé

world. And he gave special stress to Brz@

Continued on pag@