-. ist party, Wall E’S the ruler of his country. Recently he assured a cor- respondent for the New York Times that there couldn’t be an- other war because “statesmen realize fully what a war would mean. Sometimes the people of the world as a whole think one thing, but their leaders, more aware of realities, know other- At the same time this ruler’s major propaganda organ was quoting flattering comment from the New York Times, Herald Tri- bune, Daily News, and U.S. Sec- retary .of State Dean Acheson to prove that “world opinion” is on his side, There’s no need to guess fur- ther, for the facts of the “cold war’ are making the anSwer ob- vious. This ruler, who for all the world shouts like a capitalist spokesman contemptuously quiet- ing the fears of the peace-loving masses, is Tito of Yugoslavia. The newspaper which could de- scribe the fascistic Daily News as a spokesman for “world opinion” is Borba of Belgrade, organ of the misnamed Communist Party of Yugoslavia. 1 But let the actions of Tito and his ruling clique, their statements, speak for themselves. It will then be impossible to avoid the con- clusion that Tito’s Yugoslavia has degenerated into “an ordinary -bourgeois republic” and a eee of the imperialist countries’”—just as the Communist Information Bureau warned solemnly one year ago that it would. In fact, the Tito clique has gone a long way in one year. When, last year, the world first learned of the sharp criticism of the Communist Information Bur- eau of the bourgeois nationalist errors of the Yugoslav Commun- Tito, Kardelj, Pijade and other leaders of that party hastened to allege that the whole affair was a “misunderstanding” due to lack of familiarity with _ Yugoslav affairs. They deluged everyone with protestations of their love and es- teem for the Soviet Communist leaders, Stalin and others, whom they pictured as naively misled by the other parties constituting the Communist Information Bur- eau, although the Bolshevik par- ty had, in fact, participated in the condemnation of Tito’s poli- cies. : A year later, the mask is off. Tito publicly, provocatively, warns that if the Soviet Union “attacks”, Yugoslavia is ready for her. , e In this fateful year, these are only a few of the actions of the _ Tito regime. It has: @ Jailed thousands of true Yugo- slav Communists who oppose Tito’s anti-Soviet policy and killed others; made even pos- session of the Cominform state- ment on Tito ‘a crime; turned the Communist party into a repressive police force whose citizens in Yugoslavia for op- posing | Tito’s anti-Sovietism newesi agent MARSHALL TITO He has picked up Mussolini’s bloodstained mantle while employing in the secret police and other government with a record of active war- fare against the Soviet Union, Known as anti-Semites and agents of Hitler, @ Used diplomats and others as intelligence agents Syping on the democracies of eastern Europe in order to provide im- perialist powers with secret da- ta on defense and other as pects of the democracies’ econ- omy. @ Spread tons of propaganda among members of Communist parties in all parts of the world _ in order to create an anti-Sov- iet sentiment; alleged to have _documents proving that “capit- alist - agents” have infiltrated _ the leadership of many Com- munist parties, in an attempt tc create distrust and _ suspicion within the ranks of these par- ties. : That is the record—and only a part of the record, at that. Tito’s clique, diverting sus- picion of its actions by using Marxist phraseology, makes full, use of the device long employed by social democrats in every country to conceal their betrayal of the socialist principles to which they pretend. Even Hitler used the label “Na- tional Socialist” and some of the demands of the working class to hide the real face of fascism for a time. : Is Tito Yugoslavia “Marist” and “Socialist”? Well, do Marx- ists state, as Tito did: “We. tell the peasants that they are the firmest basis of our state not be- cause we want to win their votes but because they are really this basis”? No, Marxists everywhere recognize that the working class must be the main basis of the people’s democracies and socialist states. ; Nor do Marxists advocate, as did Titoite Diljas, that Yugoslav trade unions liquidate their inde- pendent role, give wp meetings separate from those of the “Peo- ple’s Front,” which includes land- lords and landowners in its mem- bership, and that meetings “be held together, for the trade union is also in the Front.” There is an inexorable law of renegacy and betrayal which for- ces the traitor to find his level at the common denominator of anti-Soviet slander. The renegade who begins by saying that he is realiy the Communist, not the Communists, and professes pas- sionate admiration for the Soviet Union, only to wind up writing anti-Soviet inventions for the anti- — Soviet press, is familiar enough to be a type. And so Tito, who for months assured everyone that his Yugo. slavia was following the Socialist — path of the Soviet Union. more faithfully than the people of Hungary, Bulgaria, Czechoslo- vakia, Romania and Poland, now echoes the 30-year-old capitalist slanders against the Soviet Union. e Tas In an interview with the New York Times’ C. L. Sulzberger last week, Tito used these hoary anti- Soviet. slanders to grease the ways for his admission of the charge that Yugoslavia is not proceeding to a socialist agricul- ture, but is, in fact, the land- owners’ regime the Bureau branded it. Tito said he was encouraging “cooperative farming’ not the - Soviet collectives. Like the Bev- ins, Blumgs and Attlees, he claim- ed the desire to bring socialism “in a more free and truly demo- cratic way” than in the Soviet Union which, he charged, “simp- ly crushed an entire class of people—kulaks.” Tito, on the other hand, is using “education and good will,” he said. This style of pro-wealthy farmer “so- cialism is now getting Wall Street money ag subsidies. It is because Tito Yugoslavia is anti-Marxist, anti-Soviet Union. anti-socialist, that he is receiving loans from Britain, from the U.S and from the Wall Street-control- ‘giant, By ROBERT FRIEDMAN led intermational bank; that he has received the approval of President Truman for the pur- chase of material to build a steel plant while the ban on exports to the veal peoples’ democracies goes on. Why Tito, for his part, and the governments and press of the London - Washington bloc for theirs, insist so strenuously on labeling Yugoslavia a Communist state is something else again. It is obvious why. Tito must maintain the fiction that he is a Communist leader of a socialism- bound state, although by now the days of that fiction are numbered. At home it is his sole ideological] hold on the masses, who did not fight Hitler and native fascism in order that Wall Street should rule their land. Abroad, Tito’s efforts to spread confusion, dissention and anti- Sovietism in the ranks of the world peace movement, are part payment on his debts to his im- perialist backers. : The spokesmen for imperialism have their reasons, too, for con- tinually dinning in our ears that “Tito’s still a Communist”, “Tito’s still a Communist.” They use Tito’s explanation of his dispute with the Cominform as-one be- tween a small, socialist nation Seeking independence from the oppressive’ as proof, from within the family of socialism, of their own charges of Soviet “imperialism” and “ag- gression.” ' They use Tito to disorient the people of the world from the struggle against the war+making Atlantic pact and for peace. They use Tito to send progres- sives chasing after the will o’ the wisp of a non-existent “contro- versy”—the Tito myth of an ideo- logical struggle between two al- ternative roads to socialism. & ‘ In all, the millions of words poured out by Tito and the cap- italist press—which has never be- fore so passionately loved a -“Communist”’—there is a conspi- cuous failure to discuss the re- lations between the Soviet Union and the eastern democracies of Europe. Were Tito’s Yugoslavia a_ so- cialist nation in truth, there would be no basis for conflict, for there is no conflict of interests between socialist nations as there 4 Soviet Union - . \ _is between capitalist powers fight ing for markets and territory, And there is no such conflict between the Soviet Union and the governments of Albania, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, RO | mania, Hungary and Polané. Trade flourishes among them. — The Soviet Union renders exten sive technical aid to these coun tries. j Czechoslovakia, for example had 50 percent of its worker£ jobless “during the crisis of the thirties, when it could not export its products to the capitalist countries, Today, about 70 percent of the Czech goods exported te the Soviet Union might otherwis€ be unusable in the crowded mat — kets of world capitalism. Whereas wages and_ living standards in these countries have — Pe risen steadily, all reports point to the growing impoverishment of the Yugoslav masses, while g0V? ernment bureaucrats of the Tito regime, army officers, secret POk ice, landowners and black market operators live in blatant luxury- Tito and his Anglo-America® defenders may inveigh against the attitude of the Soviet seta oe toward “small socialist nations” _ like Yugoslavia. But they dare not mention how the Soviet Union and the other democratic neighborg of small Al — bania have given—given, not lent — that tiny country millions of dollars worth of material to helP in its building of socialism. Has such help caused Albania — to lose its freedom? Or is it not strengthening Albania’s ability t¢- become truly free? Which rela tionship do the people of Albania — ‘prefer—the generous aid requil- ing no return, from the Soviet Union, or the Tito plot, exposed and crushed by the vigilant Al banian Communists, to capture and annex the tiny nation to YU goslavia? Is it any wonder that Sulz berger can blandly report: “The western press is now quoted in Yugoslav more objective way and minus prejudicial adjectives, such 4° ‘fascist’. The word ‘im sm is now commencing to imply ‘Russian’ rather than ‘western’.” Is it any wonder that the ‘SOV iet Union has termed the Tito F& gime a “hostile”? regime, a 8° ernment unden which “Gestapo methods of rule prevail”? ; —— overnight in his prison cell. hospital. ago. employers in England. a month, ‘ : ‘phate feo : Footnote on housing VICTORIA, B.C., Oct. "prisoner, awaiting trial in Victoria for murder, hanged himself Warden John Millman identified the victim as Francis Smith of Oak Bay. Smith was awaiting Assize Court trial for the murder of his 75 year-old wife, Sarah Alict, who was found strangled in their Oak Bay home on June 21. razor slashes in his throat and wrist, and he was treated in © He was charged with SCs Reh a coroner's jury sub- ‘sequently named him as the slayer of his wife. Was that Smith showed - signs of mental instability. The couple came to Oak Bay from England eight years They received $50 a month social allowance, as Smith was unable to work, and a $15 pension from Smith's sega Their rent was aecporied to be m 32A" J6"yeayold Oakalian 1 Police found Smith with y Police evidence papers in #