Lh a

By V. TYAGUNENKO

The first part of the national-libera-
tion revolution, the attainment of state
independence, has been accomplished
in the overwhelming majority of Afro-
Asian countries. But many of them
have stopped in hesitation before the
more serious and difficult stage, the
winning of economic independence,
which presupposes the effecting of a
social revolution in one or another
form.

Some leaders in these countries,
fearing the spread of a broad popular
movement, prefer to confine themselves
to the outward attributes of indepen-
dence and to strike a compromise with
imperialism on economic questions,
which results in the gradual loss of
their political independence. Others,
not venturing to appeal openly to the
masses for support in the struggle
against imperialist, are hesitating to
carry out the tasks of the new stage
of the revolution.

If new, more determined leaders are
not forthcoming in such countries, the
revolution might wither and degene-
rate into an ordinary bourgeois revolu-
tion of the semi-colonial type.

Nevertheless in a number of young
states, leaders of the revolution, choos-
ing socialism as their goal, actively
work for the independent development
of their countries.

The essence of non-capitdlist deve-
lopment consists in the transition of
the national-liberation revolution from
the general national, general democra-
tic stage to the next stage, the socialist
one.

It is this prospect that inspires the
peoples of the United Arab Republic,
Algeria, Burma, Syria, Mali, Guinea
and the Congo (Brazzaville) who have
chosen socialism as their goal. But
these possibilities cannot become rea-
lity by the wave of a magic wand,
just as the proclamation of aims does
not yet signify their accomplishment.

The boundaries between the coun-
tries which have chosen the prospect
of socialism and the countries which
are still exploring the ways of their
further development are very relative,
inasmuch as the concept “non-capital-
ist development” itself is quite broad.

é

The working out of a clear-cut, eco-
nomically-based policy of construction
is one of the central tasks. No stereo-
type is possible here. It is necessary
to take into consideration all the po-
tentialities and concrete distinctions of
each country, the initial”level of deve-
lopment, available material and man-
power resources and the structure of
the economy.

Whereas the United Arab Republic,
for example, has undertaken the coun-
try’s industrial development on a wide
scale and is building modern branches
of heavy industry, such tasks are so
far beyond the strength of Guinea,
Mali, the Congo (Brazzaville) and Tan-
zania. In these countries only the foun-
dations of a national industry are being
laid, primary processing factories and
power projects are being developed
and enterprises for the production of
building materials and small metal-
working establishments are being built.
Exact determination of their objective

_ possibilities is particularly important

for these countries.

It is too early to sum up the results
of economic development of revolution-
ary-democratic countries along the non-
capitalist path. Too little time has
passed. Many tendencies have not yet
been displayed fully, others are only
breaking their way through, but it is
already clear that constructive activity
is the touchstone of governments and
parties.

: o>

This struggle is especially intense in
the revolutionary-democratic states.
Progressive forces in these countries
are learning from their own experience
that without a new state a machine
which energetically supports and prac-
tically implements deep-going socio-
PACIFIC TRIBUNE—OCTOBER 4, 1968—Page 8

* ministration.

sifrica

A UNITED FRONT FOR SOCIALISM

Sk dee.

Units of the Zimbabwe African People’s Union Liberation Army

in training on the Southern Front.

economic reforms, which defends and
strengthens the newly-won indepen-
dence, it is impossible to advance to
socialism. “The demolition of the old
state machine,” the Brazzaville weekly
Dipanda writes, for example, “is inevi-
table after taking power in the course
of a genuine revolution .. .”

This process is not going on at the
same pace everywhere. In some coun-
tries (Algeria and Burma), the colonial

apparatus was replaced as a result of -

armed struggle against the imperialists
and national personnel have taken the
place of the expelled colonial officials.
In the United Arab Republic the bour-
geois-landowner state apparatus re-
mained almost untouchced by the revo-
lution in 1952. In Guinea the colonialists
actually broke up the colonial machine
themselves, having recalled to France
the officials from all levels of the ad-
The latter, seeking to
cause chaos, removed or spoiled all
equipment and documents of depart-
ments and offices. In Mali, Tanzania
and the Congo (Brazzaville) foreign spe-
cialists are gradually being replaced by
local personnel of the given process

The shortage of national administra-
tive and technical personnel is an im-
portant common feature in creating the
state apparatus of newly-free countries.
As a result national governments are
compelled to utilize officials trained
by the colonialists.

e

In many developing countries the
army plays an important part in the
national-liberation revolution and in

defending its gains. It is one of the
most organized militant detachments.
In countries like the United Arab Re-
public, Algeria, Burma and Syria the
army has served as the instrument for
winning revolutionary power.

But the army in many developing
countries possesses features, the neg-
lect of which under certain circum-
stances may become dangerous for the
revolution. The point is that in coun-

tries which for generations had been

deprived of their statehood, after the

winning of independence the national.

army became a symbol of freedom, the
living embodiment of sovereignty. In
their turn, some army leaders began
to consider themselves the sole main-
stay of the country’s independent exist-
ence. Here they tend to _ place
themselves above the state and party
apparatus and act as a kind of arbiter.

In countries where revolutionaries
have underestimated the specific fea-
tures of the army, have relaxed con-
trol over it by the progressive forces,
have underrated the importance of poli-
tically educating the army and the
influence of imperialist agents and
local reaction has not been cut short
in good time, betrayal of national in-
terests and attempts at coups have
become possible.

°

One of the specific features in the
development of most revolutionary-
democratic states so far is that all or
almost all reforms have been proclaim-
ed and are carried out from above, at
times without sufficient organizational

Education confronts the newly-independent African countries as one of the
most pressing problems. Above: Guinean schoolchildren in Conakry.

and political preparation among the
people.

The working people are not always
prepared for the swift acceptance 0
calls and promises which at times are
rained down on them without any pre
paratory work whatsoever. AS a result,
considerable sections of the population,
having run up against difficulties ™
building the new society, stopped tak:
ing part in political activity and eve?
fell under the influence of reactionary
propaganda.

The parties created in the course of
the struggle for the overthrow of colo
nial oppression or in the first years
after gaining independence were n°
parties in the strict sense of the word,
but sooner mass political organization
of the type of a national or patrioti
front. Julius Nyerere, chairman of t
African National Union of Tanganyika
(TANU); wrote: “Our parties . . . were
founded not in order to challenge any
ruling group of our people, but to” fight
against foreigners who ruled us. They,
therefore, were not political ‘partieS»
but a national movement. From the
very outset they expressed the inter
ests and aspirations of the entire n®
tion. Their main task after the achiev
ment of independence is to unite al
the progressive and social and political
forces around the government [df
carrying out socio-economic changes in
the country. They also promote the 5
tablishment of the nation’s political
unity and the struggle against tribal:
ism and separatism.

This especially applies to ruling
parties in countries of Tropical Africa
where the problem of national consoli:
dation facilitate such consolidation °
a country’s entire population. For e*
ample, the Democratic Party of Guine4,
according to its General Secretary;
Sekou Toure, must “unite in the com
mon struggle Guineans whatever lan
guage they speak, mobilize for Mos
lems, Christians and animists.for thé
achievement of the common aim, enlist
men and women, young and old pe
ple, peasants and workers, office em
ployees and artisans in the struggle.’

Uniting in their ranks the most
diverse social elements— from work-
ers to tribal chiefs and bourgeois elé
ments — these parties cannot but bé
subject to the internal political strug
gle of diverse groups, reflecting thé
interests of the respective social for
ces. While at the first stage of im
dependent development these contra:
dictions did not yet come to the sul-
face, with the choice of a country’s
socialist orientation and the need for
deep-going socio-economic changes
this struggle is assuming such forms
that progressive forces are compelled
to cleanse the party ranks from oppo!
tunist and adventuristic elements.

e>

The revolutionary practical activity
of states which have chosen the social-
ist perspective demonstrates that at the
present stage an urgent need has arisen
for organizing a vanguard party cap-
able of heading and leading the work-
ing people to carry out deeper econd-
mic, social and political changes. A
party can become the generally recog:

nized leader in building the new soci-

ety when it is with knowledge of the
laws governing social development, the
laws of the class struggle and build-
ing new socio-economic relations. Such
a party can become a firm mainstay
of the revolutionary government and
ensure close ties with the masses. The
first steps aimed at setting up a van-
guard party have already been made
in almost all revolutionary-democratic
states.

All. the progressive forces have
ahead of them the long and painstaking
work of building up a united front of
struggle for socialism. Genuine revolu-
tionaries no doubt will sooner or later
find the necessary and most expedient
forms of cooperation, for this is dic-
tated by the further development of
the revolution. (Abridged from an ar-
ticle in Za Rubezohm)