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. By WILLIAM WEINSTONE —

I have just been to Prague which I
visited from November 26 to the 30—
my second visit within a period of a
month. I was there for five days at
the end'of October and went again to
learn what had taken place at the re-
cent plenum of the Central Committee
of the Czechoslovak Communist Party.

I was well received on bbdth occa-
sions as a representative” of the
CPUSA by Presidium member and
Secretary of the Central Committee,
Vasil Bilak, now responsible. for the

International Department of the Party. _

Bilak actively supported the change
of policy and the removal of Antonin
Novotny and took a strong position
for carrying out the January change
along Marxist-Leninist lines. This
brought upon .him the wrath and per-
secution of the right-wing and anti-
social elements who sought his elimin-
ation from office.

I asked Bilak how he assessed the
plenum and what was the perspective
for the future. He said. “We regard
very highly the achievements of the
Plenum. Not even the most optimistic
expected as much.” On the eve of the

“meeting, he said, a tense situation was

created by reactionary forces at home
and abroad in order to influence its
deliberations and outcome. Provoca-
tions and scandals were organized.

“We make no secret of the fact that

differences exist,” he said, “but de

‘spite these differences which are often
. quite sharp, we united in adopting the

resolution. It is not a conclusive docu-,
ment,” he continued, “you certainly
noticed that some questions are not
discussed while others are openly
treated.

“The resolution prepares the ground

to unite all the healtiy forces on —

those questions on which we are
agreed, though the resolution is not
being equally enforced throughout the
country. It enables us, however, to
probe and analyze deeper into the
events that occured and serves as a
means effectively to carry through the
January decisions and combat harmful
tendencies.” >

Bilak added, “It may be said that a
broad process of differentiation will
take place in the party. It may be ex-
pected that some will disagree and
leave the party. No disaster! ‘Some
will have to be propped up, due to
their weak Marxist training. But we
will come through well.”

I asked Bilak what guarantees were '
there that unlike the May Plenum de-
cisions which had signalized a grow-
ing right-wing danger, this resolution

. would be carried out? He said because

much water has flowed under the
bridge since then.

“We do not believe that we will lose
the fight with the right-wing,” he
said. “There are no absolute guarah-
tees but we have learned that a light-
hearted approach to to the dangers
would be a catastrophe. We also have
learned that it does not pay to retreat.
We have gained experience and seen
the true color of the worst. right-

wingers and: anti-socialist, those who -

shouted the loudest. Some have left
the country, others: have joined up
with the imperialist enemies.

“For example, Kamel Winter, who
was head of the news department of
the CZs T.V., went to Western Europe
and joined the BBC: Slava Volny, one
of the leading journalists, went over to
Radio Free Europe. These facts are not
being lost on even the simplest man
in our country.” :

As for difficulties, he referred to the
artists and journnalists who have not
received the resolution well, he said.

‘Not the whole front of these forces is

against the resolution but a “sizeable
number of journalists and well educ-
ated people still shout down and intim-
idate others. They act as individualists
protecting their profession. I think
that important concessions will not
help us.”

“We must ideologically fight out the
issue of socialist’ democracy as against
their bourgeois concepts of democracy

-—and -against their professionalism. In

order to have a smooth development it
is necessary to have the mass media in
the hands of the Party. This will have

to take place in a very short time if
PACIFIC TRIBUNE—JANUARY 10, 1969—Page 10

2 PR Se SH Sr ee

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LIN aA ul n

CZECHOSLOVAKIA |

we are to carry out the resolution,”
Bilak said.

_ I asked him about the student sit-
downs. He said they were not acciden-
tal. They were stimulated by anti-
socialist forces at home and abroad.
The students have been misled over a

' long period of time by bourgeois pro-

paganda. It will take some time to cor-
rect it.

‘I also asked Bilak what likelihood

there was that the students would in-
volve some workers in their sit-downs
as they had been trying to do. He said
that the working class in the bulk
stood behind the party but he admitted
that it was possible in some: cases
because of the distortions of the situa-
tion created by the mass media. How-
ever, he added, he did not think it

would occur if the party were united.

The working class, he explained, is
not one piece, nor is it the same work-
ing class that carried out the revolu-
tionary change over of 1948. Many of
the workers in the factories were only
15 years of age in 1948. Unfortunately
Marxist education has not been carried
out in the shops and there have been
the dogmatic errors which disoriented
many workers, particularly under the
influence of the right-wing-led mass
media. ?

Many of the old hard core workers,
he continued, have been in the govern-
ment apparatus and many new work-
ers have come in from the farms in-
cluding kulak elements who have been
ousted by the process of collectiviza-
tion which has been strong in the last
‘12 years. Also sons of the petty bour-
geoisie who could not make college
have gone into the shops.

These have been’ very active in a
harmful way in this period. Workers
do not become revolutionaries sponta-
neously, said Bilak. They need educa-
tion and democratic involvement in
the shops and in all phases of social
and political work to the fullest de-
gree.

Rude Pravo reported that Dubcek
laid stress on increasing the leading
role of the party, on the binding na-
ture of the decisions for all members,

organizations and bodies of the party ~
and on the‘possibility of unifying the —

party ranks and developing positive
action. “The discussion expressed full
agreements with the results of the
plenary session and the main tasks of
the party work,” stated Rude Pravo.
In the estimate at the plenum of the

‘post January period, much was inevi-
- tably said that throws some light on a
- crucial point at issue in the world

Communist movement. This is the
question of how strong was the drift
to counter-revolution, to what extent
was there an acute counter-revolu-
tionary situation necessitating the en-
trance of the allied socialist armies?
What did I learn about that?

In reading the too brief excerpts of
the 57 speeches made at the plenum as
given by the Czechoslovak news
agency, I ran across several which

openly and unqualifiedly stated the .

situation had reached the point of a
sharp danger of counter-revolution.

In the speeches of the top leaders,
this term was not used, I believe be-
cause they did not want directly to
touch under present conditions on a
big controversial issue, or because
they were not yet agreed upon a full
estimate. But while not calling a spade

-a spade and not pinpointing the situa-

tion, which I think will be done in
time, they indicated quite boldly and
clearly. that matters at the time had
reached a dangerous state.

I ‘shall cite the remarks of three
major leaders — Gustav Husak, Ol-
drich Czernik and Lubomir. Strougal.
Czernik’s ‘remarks which T° will quote
were made in a report on November
20, on the result of the plenum. “The
other two were speeches at the plenum
itself, reported in Rude Pravo.

Husak is a member of the presidium, .

a member of the executive of eight to

facilitate presidium decisions, deputy
prime minister and the secretary of
the Slovak Communist Party. He ‘had
made some severe criticism after
August of the post-January period but
his remarks at the plenum were much
sharper. :

I asked Bilak in my interview
whether Husak’s: criticism was gener-
ally accepted. He said he agreed with
it but acceptance is not yet general.
He esteemed Husak, he said, for his
statements. Especially because in the
pre-August period Husak had regarded
as “myths” similar estimates of the
drift of things expressed by others.

In his plenum speech, he welcomed
the positive achievements of the post-
January period as substantially contri-
buting to the Party’s progress. He then
turned to the mistakes of the post-

‘January period. The report of his

speech’ states: :
“Dr. Husak sees the main mistake of
the post-January period in that the
party and especially the leadership
did not realize that political power
possessed by the working class and
especially through the leading role of
the party must not be shattered, that
it cannot be let out of hand, and this
happened to us to a great extent.”
“In social practice of this state,”
Husak continued, “the party was los-
ing its leading role towards various
parts of life and power of the working
people and it. was also not being pre-
served sufficiently through the party.
“The-state and security apparatus,”
Dr. Husak said further, “was being
disintegrated and this transferred into

- the instruments of political power

without which it is impossible to rule.”
Dr. Husak then added “as a ruling
party we had in fact one leg cut off,

. and then we stood on one. And that—

the ideological one—got a kind of
trombosis. This is the ideological side
of the matter and this concerns the
mass communication media,” said Dr.
Husak.
Premier Oldrich Czernik also sharp-
ly criticized the former regime of

‘Antonin Novotny and said that the

overwhelming majority of the people
welcomed the policies for the develop-
ment of socialism after January. But
he pointed out, says the report in
Rude Pravo, that the use of political
means against the right wing forces
was “not consistent enough.”

He said further that the Communists
in the press, radio and television to a
considerable extent ignored the con-
clusion of the May plenary meeting
regarding the danger from the right-

wing. “For a time the Party lost its

action capacity,” he said.

Strougal is 44 years of age. He is a
doctor of law who joined the Party in
1958 but has already held various
leading positions, including that of
minister of agriculture and minister of
the interior. He is a deputy premier.

Like other speakers, Strougal spoke
of the gratifying achievements of the
January changes which he said won
the overwhelming support of the Com-
munists, workers, farmers and intel-
lectuals. Communists and others react-
ing to the positive. developments dis- .
played greater activity. The people
shared to a greater extent in the solu-
tion of social and: economic affairs.
The effort of the party to strengthen .
the rights and legal security of the
people and to expand democracy gen-
erally contributed to raising the .
authority of the party. eee

This was reflected, said Strougal, in
the rising interest in public affairs.
Methods that were taken et rid of
sectarian procedures,. greater in a-
tion, the informal approach to thé
people . . . all this expressed the de-
sire of the working people. “We must
consider this basic,” said Strougal “in
determining the course of further ad-
vances for us.”

But this desirable democratic move-
ment did not get an organizational
framework. This is the core of the

matter and it is so even
unfolding of socialist dem
which we are striving sin
must have clear, consciou
proper methods.” And this }
ing. Strougal stressed.
Pointing to the internal
weaknesses, Strougal stated,
face up to the fact that diffel
the party are so strong that
conflicting groups having an °
character. There is also disolt
due to the fact that some SP¥
leading functionaries do nd!
clear orientation. The mass ™
not convey fully the goals allt
of the party. Ideological @
within the party are deep. Som
munists are prisoners of nalt
A part of the party has in #@
influenced by non-class €¥#
and by a petty bourgeois apP”
basic political questions.”
Strougal then turned to ©
January period and made al
forceful appraisal. He expla
difficulties and the elemental ¥
which overwhelmed the leadef
to rightwing pressures and #
“The party. administration”

- months preceding August gd

very complex situation. Com
were gradually being dissol¥é
the mass. and willynilly they ©
in their work of carrying out ©
ing role of the party.” #

What was the tasks of the?
leadership in the ‘post-Janualy
‘asked Strougal. “To have 4
action” he answered, and “Y
the work of the party in su@
that the rapidly developing

" movement would not slip out

hands of the party at all lew”
tunately, this did not happen

He added, “Groups got cH!
the press and began introdu@
question after another, many %
could be solved only by the P
often this could be done onl
price of sharp critical contly
emphasized Strougal, “Let us*
we systematically retreated |
these conflicts as though W
afraid of a confrontation.” __

“The party leadership,” he ¢
ed, “tried to place itself at
of the developirig movement ©
became impossible. The party”
able'to struggle against the m4
which were moving against ©
principles of a socialist soc™
especially against the leading”
the party. The initiative was,
hands of those who, while 0
backing Dubcek, actually did
thing possible to frustrate th®
of Dubcek.”’

Assailing the outright |
trickery” of the right opp”
Strougal said pointedly. “It i,

-dox that credit for efforts to ©

the January ideas is earned ?
by those who most loudly {
their support for them. They,
exact opposite of that which V
posed to bring political init”
socialist perspective and ””
Gréat confusion was created |
rightwing forces, but it was %
to our own lack of perceptiot”
sion and inexperience.” :
He wound-up on this point
ing forcefully: a0 4
“Did the party leadershi?
have in its hands control %
course of events? Or did we,
rush in to solve problems fore”
by various organized groups
tunately, the latter is the ca,
admit that we did not m#
situation. The fight with the ~
portunists was not started ”
Here lies the basic cause for ¥,
rical conflict situation in the Y%,
Organized groups oriented to ©
were pushing us and we: wel@
to resist, to take a stand and
the party and state organs fo!
rect course.”
Turning to present . tasks, ,
cussed some specific probl@
concluded: “I feel that the *
could be solved only by 4 ©
party offensive which of cou!
necessarily meet with very *,
sistance, but which in the
would create a party line b
rect Leninist principles.