WHAT DOYOUMEAN, THIS MINISTER'S JOB CAN BE CONSIDERED AS BEING IN WE TEMPORARY EMPLOYED CATEGORY 2 OTTAWA (CP) — Consid- eration has to tne fr ae aed ys \ WELL, WHEN SOCIALISM comes | HERE, HE JOBLESS | MINISTER WILL YD orrow/n CANADA fegune Socialism = nationalism : BY G. KIM Abridged from his booklet Leninism and the National Liberation Movement. Lenin said on many occasions that bourgeois societies made nationalism inevitable, and that Marxists recognized nationalist movements as “perfectly legi- timate.” But he was also careful to distinguish between recognizing nationalism and advocating it uncritically. Marxists, he said, should wel- come what was progressive in nationalist movements but not let it blur their working-class understanding. Nationalist movements occupy their own proper place in his- tory. Bourgeois nationalism was a legitimate and progressive factor in the struggle against the feudalism of mediavel times. It is when nationalism is, as Lenin put it, “streched beyond its proper historical limits” that it ceases to be progressive and becomes reactionary. - Marx and Engels thought the socialist revolution would triumph more or less simultane- ously in the leading capitalist countries. Lenin, however, pointed out that capitalism developed in an uneven way, so it was possible for the revolution to win its first victories in a group of countries, or even a_ single country. ° That was a great contribution to scientific socialism, throwing new light on the manner in which the peoples of the world could bring about revolutionary change. : The social revolution, he said, would be spread over an epoch marked by civil strife in which the working class con- fronts the capitalist in the ad- vanced countries, and a whole series (Lenin’s italics) of demo- cratic and revolutionary move- ments, including the national liberation movements, develop- ed in the backward and op- pressed nations. In a word, working-class struggle in the capitalist coun- tries must be linked with the strivings for national liberation in the oppressed ones. That is one of the basic laws of _the world revolutionary movement: that the unity of all anti-imperialist forces is the guarantee of victory of both the working class and the oppressed colonial peoples. The working class in capitalist countries must stoutly defend the right of oppressed nations to self-determination. Equally, socialists in oppress- ed nations must work for com- plete unity, including organiza- tional unity, between their own workers and those of the op- pressor nation. That is what working-class internationalism means! It is a Marxist view, differing, on the one hand, from those who despise nationalism, “in the name of social revolution”, and, on the other, from those who allow nationalism to over- shadow or obscure the tasks of the working-class revolution. Imperialist ideologists often allege that Lenin was a prag- matist who only “used” natio- nalism. I hope I have shown that he was, and did nothing of the kind. Abraham Lincoln said that a nation which opposes another, cannot itself be free. Lenin went further, and point- ed out that the national and colonial question was bound up with the socialist revolution, because that revolution was the indispensable condition for a real solution of the national and colonial problem. seerereleleleteteteteleteteleteleleletetateletereteteteteetatetetetets sSeleleletereteteteteteetete teeta te tatet atatatatetateretetaretetstatel. Editor —MAURICE RUSH Published weekly at Ford Bldg., Mezzanine No. 3, 193 E. Hastings St., Vancouver 4, 8.C. Phone 685-5288. Circulation Manager, ERNIE CRIST Subscription Rate: Canade, $5.00 one year; $2.75 for six months. North and South America and Commonwealth countries, $6.00 one year. All other countries, $7.00 one year Second class mail registration number 1560. Constitution — or charade? Early reports, after only the first of the three days scheduled in Victoria, B.C. for the federal-provincial consti- tutional conference, are of its deadlock and probable failure. The “impasse” arises out of the de- mand of the Bourassa Liberal govern- ment that Quebec have priority legisla- tive rights in that province, and the opposing refusal of the Trudeau gov- ernment to cede its federal overriding jurisdiction in this field. Bourassa (described by Combat, our brother paper in Quebec, as “weak and despicable”) is desperately trying by his position—no patriation of the BNA Act without Quebec priority control of social services—to give the impression he’s fighting for the French-Canadian people. This is the Bourassa whose sol- emn election pledge was a guarantee of 100,000 new jobs in 1970 for Quebec’s massive numbers of unemployed. He has found an ally in the Toronto Globe and Mail, establishment voice of Anglo-Canadian monopoly, which has been attempting editorially to under- mine the principle of national standards of living and social security, and to pre- serve, even to “constitutionalize,” exist- ing built-in inequalities of our federal system. “One Canada—one nation” Trudeau has no problem acting out his own dra- matic part in the charade. _For the ploy of legislative and taxa- tion rights over social services must be played out by both sides if it is suecess- fully to hide, and hiding, to smother the basic critical questions confronting the present constitutional conference. Even if by some unexpected twist of From Neves Deutschland, GDR ig dian policy—for peace a * ea tiles events the federal and prowl ernments were to agree at V: the division of social secu! tions, the constitutional ¢ country would remain. To solve it there are twé as William Kashtan, general of the Communist Party ° stated when introducing the! delegation to the Joint Sem mons Committee on the “? in Ottawa last May 27: | One, an economic polity % conditions for full employmé® the suicidal mass unemploy™ of the Trudeau government Two, recognition in a neW Ga pact that Canada consists ? tions. d “What is needed,” declar munist Party in its subm "st Joint Committee on the @r. “is a new Canadian constitu ’ negotiated by the represent@ two nations, a constitutlt : based on the complete equé z ' right to self-determination Ole These are the positions A federal-provincial constitu? ference must adopt if it 18 0 progress towards solville” grave constitutional crisis. The initiatives of the in calling for mutual an duction of arms and @ especially in Europe, and ning by international agré use of the moon for milital ‘ are evoking widespread 5 They stand, their credib! nably based in the whole Leninist policy of peacefu of the Soviet Union, in co ol evasive, imperialistic po? nel NATO conference recently ’ capital of fascist Portus?” At that conference, the U.S. imperialism to the rn reduction of arms an aT was to try to block it by ® ay Canada’s stand at Lisborafl has been rather different ; the U.S. The Trudeau 80V; pears to be moving to 4 Pio? ing balanced arms reduc is And to its credit, the C2 ernment did not hesitate a the Soviet Union’s prope" moon not be used for military Recent revelations 17 i el press have uncovered ny Us deceptions perpetrated y the dents and policymakers “ied winked the American pe age imperialism’s filthy wat in Indochina. d - U.S. imperialism sta” di i out credibility, utterly Or of all honest people, its pony Asi ing freedom” in Southea | oi ed as history’s most pe | The need for Canada, ae own independent fore’ the & greater than ever. NO peat organized labor and ¢ net & of our country to unite © ong achieve that kind of indeP™ iS Se >