The pattern 1
I. CHINA |

Abridged text
of a speech by
MAO TSE-TUNG

PEIPING

HE Communist Party of China
has passed through 28 years.
Like a man, it has its childhood,
youth, manhood and old age. The
Communist Party of China is no
longer a youth in its teens, but is
an adult. When a man reaches
old age, he dies. It is the same
with the party. When classes are
eliminated, all the instruments of
class struggle— political parties
_and the state apparatus—will, as
a result, lose their functions, be-
come unnecessary and gradually
wither away, and end their his-
torical mission as manknd enters
the higher plane of the society of
mankind.

We are quite different from the
political party of the bourgeoisie.
‘They are afraid to talk of abol-
ishing classes, state authority
and party. We, however, openly
declare that we struggle hard
preciesly for the creation of con-
ditions to accelerate the elimin-
ation of those things. The Com-
munist party and the state au-
thority of the people’s dictatorship
constitute such conditions.

Anyone who does not recognize
this truth is no Communist. Young
comrades who have just joined
the party and have not read
Marxism-Leninism may not un-
derstand the truth. But they must
understand this truth before they
can have a correct world outlook.

They must understand that all
mankind has to travel along the
road of eliminating classes, state
authority and party. The ques
tion is only one of two conditions.
Communists in the world are
more intelligent than the bour
geoise. They understand the law
of the existence and development
of things. They understand dialet-
ics and see further ahead. The

bourgeoisie Ao not welcome this.

truth because they do not want
to be overthrown by the people.
To be. overthrown, as the Kuo-
mintang reactionaries are being
overthrown by us at present, and
as Japanese imperialism has been
overthrown by us and the peoples
_ Of various countries in the past,
is painful and inconceivable. to
the overthrown.

For the working class, labor-
ing people and Communists, the
‘question is not one of being
‘ovérthrown, but of working hard
‘and creating conditions for the
natural elimination of classes,
state authority and the political
party, so that mankind will en-
ter the realm of world com-

We have here touched on the
perspective of the progress of
mankind to explain
ing questions. :

e

Our party has passed through
28 years. Everybody knows that
they were passed not peace-
fully. We had to fight against
enemies within the country and
abroad, and within and _ out-
side the party. Let us give
thanks to Marx, Engels, Lenin
and Stalin, who gave us weap-
ons. These. weapons are not
machine-guns, but Marxism-Len-
inism, :

“You lean to one side.” Pre-
cisely so. The 40 years’ experi-
ence of Sun Yat-sen and “the

‘This

the follow-

28 years’ experience of the Com-
munist party have made us firm-
ly believe that in order to win
victory and to consolidate vic-
tory, we must “lean to one side.”
The experiences of 40 years and
28 years show that, without ex-
ception, the Chinese people either
lean to the side of imperialism
or to the side of socialism. To
sit on the fence is impossible;
a third road does not exist. We
oppose the Chiang Kai-shek re-
actionary clique which leans to

the side of imperialism. We also »

oppose the illusion of a third
road.

Not only in China, but also
throughout the world, without ex-
ception, one either leans on the
side of imperialism or to the side
of socialism. Neutrality is a
camouflage and a third road does
not exist. :

“We want to do_ business.”
is entirely correct. Busi-
ness has to be done. We only
oppose domestic and foreign re-
actionaries who hamper us from
doing business, and do not op-
pose any other people. It should
be known that it is no other
than the imperialists and their

lackeys—the Chiang Kai-shek re--
-actionary clique—who hamper us

from doing business with foreign
countries and even hamper us
from establishing diplomatic re-

: with foreign countries.
Unite all forces at home and
abroad to smash domestic and
foreign reactionaries, and there
will be business and the possi-
bility of establishing diplomatic
relations with all foreign coun-
tries on the basis of equality,
mutual benefits and mutual re-

spect of sovereignty and terri-

torial integrity.

Who are the “people”? At the
present stage in China, they are
the working class, the peasant
class, the petty bourgeoisie. Un-
der the leadership of the work-
ing class and the Communist

party, these classes unite to-

gether to form their own state
and elect their own government
to enact a dictatorship over the
lackeys of imperialism—the land-
lord class, the burocratic cap-
italist class, and their henchmen
representing these classes; to
suppress them, and only allow
them to behave properly, and
not allow them to talk and act
wildly. If they talk and act wild-
ly they will be prohibited and

Mao Tse-tung Ay Chu Teh ,

punished immediately.

The democratic system is to
be carried out within the ranks
of the people, giving them free-

dom of speech, assembly and as--

sociation. The right to vote is
only given to the people, and not
to the reactionaries. These two
aspects: namely, democracy
among the people and dictator-
ship over the reactionaries, com-
bine to form the people’s demo-
cratic dictatorship.

“Victory is also possible with-

out international aid.” This is
an erroneous thought. In the
era when imperialism exists, . it
is impossible for the true people’s
revolution of any country to win
its own victory, and to consoli-
date the victory even when it
is won, without assistance in
various forms from the interna-
tional revolutionary forces.
» The great October revolution
in the Soviet Union was thus
won and consolidated, as Stalin
had told us long ago. It was
also in this way that three im-
perialist countries—Germany, It-
aly and Japan—were recently de-
feated and the people’s demo-
cratic countries in Eastern Eur-
ope were established.

This is, and will be, the case
with the people’s China at pres-
“ent and in the future.

Let us think it over. If the
Soviet Union did not exist, if
there were no victory in the
anti-fascist Second World War,
and especially, for us, no defeat
of Japanese imperialism; if the
various new democratic countries
of Europe did not come into
‘being, if there were no rising
struggles of the oppressed na-
tions in the East, if there were
no struggles of the masses of
the peoples in the United States,
Britain, France, Germany, Italy,
Japan and other capitalist coun-
tries against the reactionary
cliques ruling over them; and if
there were no sum total of these
things, then the international re-
actionary forces bearing down on
us would surely be far greater
than those at present. Could we
have won victory under such cir-
cumstances? Obviously not.

It would also be impossible to
consolidate the victory when it
was won. The Chinese people
have had much experience with

this. The remark made by Sun.

Yat-sen before his death about
joining hands with international

‘ population.

revolutionary forces’ reflected
these experiences long ago.

Why should it be done this
way? It is very obvious that if
this is not done, the revolution
will fail, the people will meet
with woe, and the state will
perish.

The foreign reactionaries who
vilify us for carrying out “dic-
tatorship” and “totalitarianism”
are, in fact, the very people who
are carrying out dictatorship and
totalitarianism. They have been
carrying out the dictatorship and
totalitarianism of one class, the
bourgeoisie, over the proletariat
and other people. They are the
very people referred to by Sun
Yat-sen as the bourgeois class in
countries of modern times who
oppress the common people.
Chiang Kai-shek’s counter-revo-
lutionary dictatorship was learn-
ed from these reactionary fel-
lows. ,

.

The basis of the people’s dem-
ocratic dictatorship is the work-
ing class, peasant class and the

urban petty-bourgeois class, and”

is mainly the alliance of the
working class and the peasant
class, because they constitute
80 to 90 percent of the Chinese
It is mainly the.
strength of these two classes
which overthrows imperialism
and the Kuomintang reactionary
clique, The passing from new
democracy to socialism: mainly
depends on the alliance of these
two classes.

The people's democratic dic-
tatorship needs the leadership of
the working class, because only
the working class is most far-
sighted, just and unselfish, and
richly endowed with revolution-
ary thoroughness. The history of
the entire revolution provides
that without the leadership of
the working class, the revolu~
tion is bound to fail, and with
the leadership of the working
class, the revolution is victori-

_ ous. In the era of imperialism,

no other class in any country
can lead any genuine revolution
to victory. This is clearly proved -
by the fact that the Chinese na-
tional bourgeois class led the
revolution many times and failed.
The national bourgeois class is
of great importance at the pres-
ent stage. Imperialism is still

' close at hand, and is a very

fierce enemy. A long time is re-

PACIFIC TRIBUNE—AUGUST 12,

n Asia

quired for China to realize true
independence economically. Only —
when China’s industries are dé
veloped, and China no longer dé
pends on forgign countries. econ:
omically, can there be real inde
pendence, The. proportion °
China's modern industry in the
entire national economy is still
very small. et:
To cope with imperialist OP -
pression, and to raise her back
ward economic status one steP
higher, China must utilize,all uh
ban and rural capitalist factor
whick are beneficial and not det
rimental to the national ecol
omy and people’s livelihood,
unite with the national h0
geoisie in a common struggle.
Our present policy is to restrict }
capitalism and not to elimina
it. But the national bourge0ls
~class cannot be the leader ©
the. revolutionary united fromh
‘and also cannot occupy the main
position in the state, The 2®
tional bourgeois class cannot b®
the leader of the revolution 2M
must not occupy the main pos!
tion in the institutions of **
state because the social and ©
onomic status of the nation® —
bourgeois class has determine? —
its feebleness, its lack of fof
sight, its lack of boldness and, 4
in many of them, their fear 9
the masses. Bs
Sun Yat-sen advocatea “awak
ening the masses” or “helping
the peasants and workers.” Who
is going to awaken and help”
them? To Sun Yat-sen this mie :
the petty bourgeoisie and
national bourgeoisie. But this if
in fact, not feasible. Sun Yat
sen’s 40 years of revolutionaly :
work failed. Why? Because
the era of imperialism itis x :
possible for the petty bourgeois’
and national bourgeoisie to 14”
any revolution towards sucte Ty
Our 28 years are entirely ©
ferent. We have plenty of ef
able experiences, and the foll0
ing are ‘three of the ™
achievements: ith
A disciplined party, armed W
the theories of Marx, Boe)
Lenin and Stalin, employing ~~
method of self-criticism, r ne ;
linked up closely with \,
masses.
An army led by such 4
A united front of various
lutionary strata and grouP
by such a party. ©
These mark us off
predecessors. Relying on t
three things, we have wor
basic victory.

party:
revo"
3 led

from oUF
nes

Our experiences may b@ ine

marized and reduced to ve)
following single point: (we ae
a people’s democratic ae
ship based on the workers the
peasants’ alliance led
working class (through the
munist party). This dictate
must unite in concert orces*
international revolutionary f mai?
This is our formula, OUF
experience, our main progré ‘the
In the 28 long years ue
party, we have done on
thing, but that one thing
—we have won the basic
This is worth celebrating
cause it is the peoples sch
and a victory achieved i? “py
a large country as pefo!
there is plenty of work ausinsi
us, and ocmpared with hes past
what has been done in th ine
is simply the first steP_ icp
ten thousand-mile 10n8 ave
Remnants of the enemy q the
still to be wiped out, ae
serious task of economlhs
struction lies before US: Ms which
Some of the things % r
(Continued on Next Par

1919-P ace