y / That government coercion has in turn intensified the union’s campaign and at the same time, broadened the opposi- tion. “The success of the campaign has var- _ ied,” said Peter Willsman, the research director for NUPE and a Labour Party councillor with the London Education Authority. “Obviously, it’s been most successful where there are Labour Party councils but many Tory councils are also concerned with their votes so they’ve lis- tened to public opinion.” The opposition has sometimes been slow to develop, he said, “because peo- ple have to find out about the loss of services before they realize the effects and do something about it.” He added that Canadians facing pri- vatization in government services “should look to Britain to see what’s happened.” Keith Blackburn, a researcher with the Transport and General Workers, which is also involved in local government, said that the unions’ join campaign has set out to expose publicly the contractors who have defaulted on their contract work and to fight continued privatiza- tion. Equally important, he said, have been union efforts to highlight examples of good services and to convince local councils to work with unions and con- sumers in expanding and improving those services. Both Willsman and Blackburn emphasized that the work with commun- ity and consumer groups was vital although both noted that joint union- community action was still “inconsist- ent” and was, in many cases, confined to a small number of activists. ““We’ve been able to win back a number of contracts from the private sector,” Blackburn said. “But we’re a long way from winning the fight on a political level.” Still, he said, the highly-publicized problems of British Telecom — the first instance where the media has given any prominence to complaints about privatization — has helped to bring about a shift in public attitudes. “There has been a tendency to accept privatization ... and that mood has been heightened by the share sales,” he said. “But that has changed as a result of Brit- ish Telecom.” And joint action by the trade union movement, community organizations and particularly the churches was able to defeat the government’s Sunday Trading Bill. “So it is possible to defeat the - Tories,” he said. The most effective campaign so far mounted against the government’s plans has been that organized against the pri- vatization of water. Headed by the Joint Trade Union Anti-Water Privatization Committee, a coalition of several unions, the campaign has already derailed the government’s plans once and organizers see a strong possibility that it can be done again. Alan Jackson, a NALGO staff member and the secretary of the joint committee, told the Tribune that com- mittee members looked at other union campaigns against privatization, includ- ing the BTUC campaign at British Tele- com, and tried to learn from their mistakes. “The approach we took was that there were a number of groups interested in water who could be included,” he said. “We tried to cover every area of opposi- tion to water privatization and then reach the people involved.” Jackson said that there was a unusu- ally wide range of environmental groups involved, including Greenpeace, the Friends of the Earth, the Council for the Protection of Rural England as well as others such as disabled groups who depend on water for therapy and sport fishing groups. “The trade union committee was the backbone of the campaign but at the same time, we tried.to.stay. back.one step so that all those involved could see themselves as part of a broad coalition and so the government couldn’t say it was just the unions,” he said. “We ‘The most effective campaign so far mounted against the government plans has been that organized against the privatization of water.’ encouraged other groups to make deci- sions and to promote their views.” The campaign first gathered momen- tum in February of last year with the ” government’s first announced plan to sell off the country’s water system, currently run by 10 local water authorities, to pri- vate interests. The government’s white paper essen- tially came down to a single argument for privatization — the need to create “the opportunity to make profits.” The joint committee challenged the white paper with its own arguments and used the network of environmental and com- munity groups to get the message out — often to places where trade unions would not normally have been able to reach. “The breadth of the campaign was the key,” said Jackson, “it influenced enough people to jeopardize Tory votes before the (1986) election.” Its first plan put off the rails, the Tories introduced a new proposal in their election manifesto to appease environmental groups. But the new proposals did not satisfy environmental groups and created new opponents among some of the local water authori- ties which had earlier supported privati- zation. As a result, the campaign is again gathering momentum across the country, he said. On Sept. 18, British newspapers quoted Tory sources as saying that water privatization had been abandoned. The statement was later denied by a govern- ment minister but the faltering govern- ment position and the strong campaign of opposition has thrown doubt on its future. And whatever happens, the campaign has underscored the value of joint action between the trade union movement and other groups. “Our campaign is unique in the scope of the coalition we were able to put together,” said Jackson. “Trade unions » have tended to wage campaigns on their own but this government doesn’t listen to trade unions. We had to reach out much wider.” Significantly, the connections made during the campaign were useful in introducing many other groups to the trade union movement and its agenda. “Many of these groups had not worked with trade unions before and in fact had a mistrust of trade unions,” he noted. “But we’ve built up relationships over a number of months and now we co- operate in other areas as well.” Jackson also emphasized that the campaign had to set its own political objectives and not remain tied to those of the Labour Party, to which most Brit- ish unions are affiliated. “We couldn’t be seen as just.carrying out the Labour Party agenda,” he said. ““We had to work with all groups, even Liberals and Tories, who were opposed to the privati- zation of water.” “In fact, we loosened our traditional link with the Labour Party,” he said. “They had their idea of what should happen and we had ours.” Many other unionists have also emphasized the need for the trade union movement to take its own independent political position on privatization, par- ticularly as the Labour Party goes through an agonizing policy review, including suggestions that the party should accept share ownership. “There’s still a tendency among trade unionists to talk only of economic interests — their jobs and wages,” said Terry Wild of the National Communica- tions Union. “There has been an increase in political thinking since Thatcher came to power and an understanding of the need to involve the trade union move- ment in politics but still many leave the politics up to the Labour Party.” The need is particularly urgent on the issue of privatization, he said, because of the low priority given by the Labour Party to public ownership. “The government has created the idea that the public sector is a drain on the public purse — and that the private sec- tor would make things more efficient and relieve the public of costs. “But we need to show workers that there can be better public ownership,” he said. The CPGB’s Pete Carter also emphas- ized the need for the labour movement to present “an alternative vision” to the free enterprise model of privatized servi- ces and highly-monopolized high tech industry that Thatcher has promoted. “The trade union movement needs to put forward an alternative economic strategy that can appeal to wider sections of people,” he said. “It has to be an alt- erative vision for the future of Britain.” PACIFIC TRIBUNE, OCTOBER 28, 1987 e 7 en scene