Se rudeau should sign . . . ee where Prime Minister Trudeau is putting the «7-0 the Canadian people in his so-called fight against uation, an inflation caused in large part of the American aa OE nachna, he refuses to go even part way in the direc- # R the United States Senate in demanding that Nixon get ‘4 €cently, in reply to a student who asked whether he, ae Would demand the withdrawal of American troops i pa vodia, he replied: “No, We wouldn’t demand it—and i Id, it wouldn’t matter a whit . . . Other people have ¥ anded the United States do this, and they haven’t done 1s the least Canada can do .. orld re t ep int wh Ve Wee is ting § "80 the OUTNOW petition. Pi of oe, Toronto Star, a Liberal newspaper which certainly is e itile to the Trudeau Government, couldn’t stomach his eak-kneed evasion, and in an editorial on May 4, 1970 said: Gandemning the actions of the United States, its Cambod- tervention and now its increasing bombing of the North, ot in th oe Such moves by Canada would ris €mselves force the American administration to recon- d 'a8eressive escalation; but they would be one addition, 4° “8nificant one, to the efforts being made all, over the » and in Washington, to change a course which seems © threaten world ‘peace and bring more grim misery: to’ Cople of Southeast Asia.” This 1S precisely the purpose of the OUTNOW petition, a Mich Prime Minister Trudeau professes not to see. "Y Signature is an additional voice, and a powerful one, €r coming from a’ prime minister, a machinist, or a ie, If for no other reason than of meaningfully combat- ation and poverty, Mr. Trudeau should be the first to Regardless, when the petition is launched . . . the working names of Canada should get out their pens and sign their George Harris UE News : Terrific pamphlet’ ‘hte DEL CASTRO on: Lenin, ¢ \Ceechog et Union, Events in ” @ and the Ultra- t llittle That’s a big title for a rine fe hlet, but it’s a pretty ' SPeech peehiet, It is Castro’s zi Ublished. the Lenin Centenary, and “sen by Progress: Books, ‘lorde me for 20 cents (bundle 0 or more copies — |. Fi : Tis ie Castro is eloquent and View *Plainer. Rather than re- 8 part at Pamphlet we'll quote the spe it—it will show what |make «°C? Was about and will Wet 6 you want to read it and “hare “TS to do the same. Here ~ e Xeerpts from one section: Attack from “left” voday there are, aS we tome theoretical super-revolu- lable €s, super-Leftists, veri- “lw Supermen” if you will, ia ify destroy imperialism in are > With their tongues. There Jackin NY, Super-revolutionaries ja a all notion of reality Hicuj;.%@ Problems and dif- are ©S Of a revolution. They ie a if they refused to for- Teng he Soviet Union its exist- Doce, Nd this from “Left”-wing Soy ions. They would like a- to the; Union shaped according ting €ir strange model, acord- their ridiculous ideals. lit 4 country is primarily a re- ther One made up of numerous Tealities. bate exponents of ‘tig Ss forget the incredible in- io an ttculties of the revolu- ion” Process in the Soviet ftisin, the incredible problems ng from blockade, ‘isolation ete fascist aggression. They ag not to know anything Ut all this and regard the these > Fidel Castro speaks existence of the Soviet Union as almost a crime, and this from “Left”-wing positions, which is an act of absolute dishonesty. “They forget the problems of Cuba, of Vietnam, of the Arab world. They forget that wher- ever imperialism is striking its blows it comes up against a country which sends the people the arms they need to defend themselves. | d “We recall Playa Giron these days. We well remember the anti-aircraft artillery, the tanks and guns and mortars and other weapons that enabled us to smash the mercenaries. “This means that the exist- ene of the Soviet state is objec- tively one of the most extra- ordinary. privileges of the revo- lutionary movement .. . “There are those. who refuse to forgive this country its at- titude to the Czechoslovak ques- tion. I mean those “Left”-wing scribblers :. . “We had no intention of pro- ceeding from the logic of the bourgeoisie, from bourgeois con- cepts or policies. To us, what mattered was the counter-revo- lutionary process taking place there, the process of betraying Marxism. Not “liberals” “I think it was one of those situations in which one should be able to assess events and react to them in a revolutionary fashion. Imperialism would have been the sole winner had it not been curbed, had it not been stopped. “There was .a counter-revolu- tionary process going on there —in case some still do not un- derstand—and we are. not bour- geois liberals but Marxist-Len- inists and anti-liberals.” Trotsky and Trotskyites By JOHN WEIR Whatever the shingle they hang up — “revolutionary so- cialist” or ‘4th International” or what have you—there are groups and individuals in Cana- da known as Trotskyites. Have they really something in com- mon with Leon Trotsky and what he said and did in the first half of the present century? As a matter of fact—yes. They grow out of the same soil and. are the same sort of vegetable. What is Trotskyism? . Capitalist and Trotskyite: pro- paganda perverts history and presents the fairy tale that Trotsky and Lenin together founded the Communist Party in Russia, but that. after Lenin’s death Stalin ousted Trotsky in “a struggle for power.” Fought by Lenin In reality, ‘Lenin and the Bol- shevik (Communist) Party he organized and led (it was fully established as a separate party in 1903) consistently combatted not only the right-wing but also the “leftist” social-democrats, among whom Trotsky was pro- minent. In the summer of 1917 Trot- sky accepted the Communist program and for a few years held a positicn in the leadership of the Party. However, he con- ducted opposition struggles against Lenin again and again —his refusal “‘on principle” to sign the Brest-Litovsk Treaty with Germany in 1918, for ex- ample, cost the young Soviet state great losses in lives and territory and brought the Revo- lution to the brink of disaster. Lenin—and after his death the Party with Stalin at the head— continued to fight Trotsky with- in the Party. Trotsky formed factions and aligned himself with now one and then another ‘group of oppositionists to at- tack the Party. Completely rout- ed by the membership, he at- tempted to organize a counter- revolutionary demonstration in the Red Square in 1927, was ex- _ pelled and later exiled from the USSR. Even prior to this he had at- tempted to form Trotskyite fac- tions in other Communist par- ties (including M. Spector and a handful of followers in Canada). Cleaned out of the Communist movement, the Trotskyites quickly became transformed into an anti-Soviet and anti- Communist agency, specializing in slander, provocation and in- trigue. So much for the fable about Trotsky being a Leninist. Lenin’s Description In a number of articles Lenin exposed Trotsky and his works directly and devastatingly. The description he gave of “leftists” generally: in “Left-Wing” Com- munism, an Infantile Disorder fits the Trotskyites to a “t’”: “A pretty bourgeois. driven to frenzy by the horrors of capita- lism is a social phenomenon which, like anarchism, is charac- teristic’ of all capitalist coun- tries. The instability of such re- volutionism, its barrenness, and its tendency to turn rapidly into submission, apathy, phantasms, and even a frenzied infatuation with one bourgeois fad or an- other—all this is common know- ledge.” That’s the soil from. which Trotskyism springs today | in Canada as it did some decades ago in Russia. And that’s a true portrait of “leftist’ ultra-revo- lutionaries, now as then. Trotsky’s Heritage What is Leon Trotsky’s theo- retical and political legacy? It is his notorious “permanent revo- lution” theory. Karl Marx used the phrase, but it was to denote the tactic’ of the working class in a bour- geois-democratic, anti-feudal re- volution: to press forward step by step and transform the bour- geois democratic revolution into the socialist revolution. In Trotsky’s version it ‘became something else—the thesis that the workers on gaining power in one country must wage revo- lutionary war against the capi- talist countries until the world revolution. : (Without giving Trotsky the credit, Mao and the Maoists have ‘borrowed and adapted that concept, promoting “export of revolution” against the “pa- per tiger” of imperialism, con- demning Lenin’s policy of peace- ful coexistence as_. “revision- ism,” etc.) While this “ultra-revolution- ary” attitude sounds as though it was based on faith in the readiness of the peoples in other parts of the world to rise at the call and overthrow the capital- ists, in-actuality all it reflects is lack of confidence in the Party and working class at home (whether in Russia 50 years ago, or in China today) to maintain political power and build the new social system. That’s why Trotsky’s applica- tion of the “permanent revolu- tion” theory to Russia after the victory of the Revolution was to-pronounce “the impossibility of building socialism in one country.” According to this con- cept, the Revolution in Russia was doomed unless there was soon a socialist revolution in Western Europe; he maintained that it was absolutely impos- sible to build a socialist system in Russia alone and measures to do that were wrong — the task was to hold on and “prod” the revolution in the West. Can you imagine how long the Soviet Union would have lasted if Trotsky’s policy had been ap-' plied? What the world would be like today? ~ Books on ‘leftism’ Marxist-Leninist literature on “‘leftism” in general and its Trot- skyite variety in particular is quite large. We recommend the fol- lowing, which can be obtained at Progress Books, 487 Adelaide St. W., Toronto 2B, Ont., or at your local bookstore: — The Fight Against Trotskyism by H. Lumer 25 cents The Bolshevik Party’s Struggle Against Trotskyism by V. A. Grinko and others Ultra-Leftism in Britain by Betty Reid — rivera PAGOU. 75 cents BOKKS BY V. I. LENIN “Left-Wing” Communism—An Infantile Disorder .... paperback . . Maas Left-Wing Childishness and the Petty-Bourgeois Mentality ‘ 35 cents ” PACIFIC TRIB $1.15 35 cents A (The Maoists have similarly gone from one. extreme—from the “great leap” with ‘fa steel foundry in.-every backyard” _fiasco—to the other of denying the need for industrialization and replacing it with the “orien- tation on agriculture”. theory.) Tfotsky’s policies :were plain opportunism covered by “‘left- ist” fist-waving, and they arose’ from a lack of faith in the work- ing class. Master of Intrigue From. its very inception Trotskyism was characterized by factionalism and intriguing. It was so when is was a just a small maverick “leftist” so- cial-democratic grouping fight- ing Lenin. supposedly in an at- tempt to -reconcile Leninism with right-wing social-democra- cy. It remained so after 1917 when Trotsky consistently — or- ganized factions against Lenin and the Leninist policies. So it is since Trotskyism found itself outside the Communist and workers’ -movement, : Leninism calls for the widest possible democracy in debating and deciding questions and then complete unity in carrying out those decisions. The Trotsky- ites—just. as the social-demo- crats of which they were a sec- tion—demand freedom for war- ring factions within ithe Party and: denounce unity and disci- pline as “dictatorship” and “‘bu- reaucracy.” re Expelled from the Communist Party of Canada, the Trotsky- ites have again and again sought to. seize control. of, and disrupt united front movements, appeal- ing to inexperienced youth, and ‘especially working inside séc- tions of the CCF, later the NDP. They exploited every opportun- ity that offered to demonstrate their, hatred of the USSR and other socialist countries and the CPC and the world Communist movement. _ (More recently the Maoists have carried out similar attacks in an even more crude and bru- tal manner.) Work ' Together? Communists regard socialist- minded workers and intellectu- als, the non-Communist Left, as people and _ tendencies with whom we want to work toge- ther for peace and social pro- gress while. discussing our ide- ological differences in a friendly. way. Does that apply to. the Trotskyites? Well, the world scene knows an example — Ceylon — where Communists and_ Trotskyitees are found together (along with others) in the government. We know that the Ceylonese Com- munists won’t break that unit- ed front on account of their ideological differences with the Trotskyite ministers. But they will fight whoever betrays that unity. In Canada we know some peace committees on which Trotskyites and Communists are found alongside others. Commu- nists certainly won't refuse to unitedly fight for peace because Trotskyites are there. But time and again (as in Vancouver. re- cently) Trotskyites used their positions, to disrupt. While it is possible, as is claimed, that some of the so- called Trotskyites today are sim- ply misguided youth beguiled by “militant” phrases, that doesn’t mean that we forget the nature of Trotskyism as an agency’ of the class enemies. UNE-—FRIDAY, AUGUST 7, 1970—Page 5