ee “1, Py al a en 13] i; John Diefenbaker: the real record By NELSON CLARKE ONSERVATIVE publicists are busy these days pic- turing John Diefenbaker as a man of the people. They've dubbed him “Far- mer John,” because he hails from Saskatchewan. Real farmers in Saskatche- wan have their own way of describing “farmers” -like John Diefenbaker. He’s the kind of “farmer” who farms the farmer. A friend of mine used to live in the little town of Wakaw ‘in the days back in twenties when Diefenbaker hung out his lawyer’s shingle. shingle. My friend had asked the “struggling young lawyer” to collect a debt of $7, not such an inconsequential sum in those distant days as it is now. Diefenbaker rattled off a “lawyer’s letter,’ and in due course the $7 was forthcom- ings; “That ll . be $2,” said Honest John. ‘‘You mean,” said my friend, “that I owe you $2 for writing that let- ter?” “Qh, no,” - said ‘Honest John,” “You misunderstand me. That'll be $2 for you and $5 for me.” The prime - minister - to - be early built up a reputation as a criminal lawyer. His first jury case concerned a man charged with killing his neigh- bor with a shot-gun. He is now going around the country proudly claiming that the jury freed his client, be- cause it was his first case, and because it was his 24th birth- day. An odd way of weighting the scales of justice. But after all, in our society lawyers are paid not to serve justice but to “spring” their clients, and from that standpoint John Diefenbaker was singularly successful. Like most lawyers, John Diefenbaker: began to try his hand at politics. In the early twenties when Arthur Meig- hen seemed to be well on the road to leading the Conser- vative par'y to success at the polls, Diefenbaker threw in his lot with it. He went down to defeat in the general elec- tions of both 1925 and 1926. As the years went by, fol- lowing the annihilation of the Anderson Conservative prov- incial government in the early thirties, the fortunes of Sas- katchewan Conservatives sank to an all-time low. With that began John Dief- enbaker’s long years of care- ful cultivation of the idea that even though he would sit with the Conservatives in the House of Commons, he was really not a strong party man, but an independent fellow who would always look after his constituents well. This line paid off and in 1940 Diefenbaker by a major- ity of 240 votes became the MP for the federal riding of Lake Centre, Saskatchewan. He held the seat in the two elections which followed, even after the rise of the CCF to provincial power. Within Diefenbaker’s Lake Centre riding was the provin- cial constituency of Last Mountain, held for some years by an extreme right-wing CCF’er, Jake Benson, who finally deserted his party and crossed the floor of the legis- lature. _ Diefenbaker and _ Benson, who were alike as two peas in a pod in their poltical out- look, worked a neat saw-off between them. Benson’s machine backed Diefenbaker as MP, and Diefenbaker’s machine backed Benson for the provincial legislature. * In 1953, the St. Laurent gov- ernment carved up Diefen- baker’s .bailiwick, throwing in the CCF stronghold of Moose Jaw. The political . pundits Prime Minister John Diefenbaker with U.S. Secretary of State John Foster Dull es. widely predicted that Diefen- baker had come to the end of his political road. His best friends advised him to “go east” and take a safe Tory riding in Ontario. But Diefenbaker took a bold course. He went back to. his home city of Prince Albert, and there began the organ- ization not of the Conserva- tive party but of Diefenbaker clubs. Prince Albert had for decades been regarded.as a rock-ribbed Liberal strong- hold. When Mackenzie King was defeated in Ontario in 1926, Prince Albert had offered him a political haven and in four consecutive elections returned him to the House of Com- mons. In more recent years, the CCF had picked up con- siderable strength, but Con- servative supporters in the riding were as extinct as dodos. Therefore Diefenbaker’s task was one of doing every- thing possible to cover up his Conservative connection. His Diefenbaker clubs gathered in Liberals and _ right - wing CCF’ers, The Social Crediters stayed out, the local Liberals nomin- ated a token candidate. Not one piece of literature carry- ing the fatal words “Issued by the Progressive-Conservative Party” was allowed to enter the campaign. Diefenbaker campaigned on local issues. He would be the Voice. of the North, and would get a new bridge across the Saskatchewan River for the people of Prince Albert. When Tory leader George Drew wired, “When do you want me to come in to speak,” well- founded reports say that Dief- enbaker wired back, “Never.” j To all intents Diefenbaker fought the election as “inde- pendent” candidate. The only voice that was raised to point Out that year in and year out at Ottawa, John Dicfanbalter had gone down the line with Tory policies was that of the Labor - Progressive party, which contested his i ae S seat in Diefenbaker’s tactics of : temporary disengagement ” from his party paid off again. He won the seat, and from that moment became a for- midable front-runner for Tory ieadership. Of course, the myth of “in- dependence” could hardly be maintained in the 1957 elec- tion by which time he had become Tory leader. It is worth recalling, however, that even then Diefenbaker had a saw-off with Social Credit. under which that party stayed out of Prince Albert and the Conservative party stayed out of the neighboring riding of Rosthern which Socreds were hopeful of winning. John Diefenbaker is a ruth- less and cunning politician skilled in the arts of dema- gogy. If success is to be Judged alone by the ability to get votes, then he is a success, But those who look for some adherence to principle, some concern for the welfare of people, a political leader will not find them in the man who now leads the Conser- vative party. Continued WOMEN ‘ nese pressure of war needs; : i ; 0 measures were introduces a limited scale, although beginnings were made. ore Once the war was Ovels th was pressure to regal position of women in india as having been merely # La porary expedient. As the erans returned from the So many women returne' ee their homes. Yet many ae ands of women, both malt { and single, must remam he work to augment family ide comes too small to prey properly for their familie> In far too many case ee work is a heavy burden es themselves and their fon te because of the general be to concede the rights and e de’ of working women whil¢ mand that their problems solved rather than ignote™ «os fol One of the main needs ® ve day nurseries, and kinder tens which are still rat® thet expensive exceptions , ra than accepted necessities: Today the whole women’s right to wo sharpening again as unemP ment increases. Again - the oid cry that “worm place is in the home.” jssue there | ns 0 Women now will need * battle anew for exercis® Re their right to work. oe though the drive to fore men, especially marrie ns” en, out of their jobs is no ont wer to the unemploy problems which now peset at society, yet any success in 3 direction will certainly * oy, the general position of * 0 Women today, if they are safeguard the future % | families, must be politic active. yer Can any mother, how? of limited by the four Ww ers her home, ignore the dans of continued H-tests KNOW that the next victim of 7” 4. tion may be the child ee to bear? Can she stay Ce ‘from the struggle for pepe for the very survival ° race? f . : : 7? So in this Centennial ye ap 1958, after one century, we nts sevens be proud of our achie > and yet increasingly awa? an this 48th International sities en’s Day, that the possib! af before us are far greater ed. the things we have ache”. Real equality for pare: such as only the Se Ss countries have achiev rl social, economic, legal — — 4 lies before us. That too come in our second ce? tury a: