LONDON — There is a way
forward out of Britain’s crisis,
declared the Communist Party
on Sept. 18 in its election mani-
festo—which was released short-
ly after Prime Minister Wilson
confirmed that the general elec-

the expense of big business,
along with far-reaching meas-
ures of public ownership.

It places great emphasis on
defense and extension of demo-
cracy and a peace policy which

program by half.

change,”

would involve slashing the arms

“A big vote for. the Commun-
ist candidates would be a Signal -
that the fight is on for real
said the manifesto,

urging people to vote Labour
where there is no Communist
candidate standing.

The Communist Party is put-
ting up 29 candidates, and Mr.
Gollan said it would be “a scan-

tion will ‘be on Thursday,
October 10.

Communist Party general sec-
retary John Gollan said in Lon-
don: “The other election mani-
festos are a competition in doom.
Ours is one of confidence based
on our policy to beat the crisis.

“For it is capitalism, not Bri-
tain, which is bankrupt.

“All the other parties admit
that there is a deep crisis. We
agree. All the other parties say
this means holding down living
standards. We completely dis-
agree.”

The other parties had no an-
swer to the crisis, said Mr.
Gollan. They refused to face its
causes.

Blame Everybody

“They blame the unions, the
Arabs, rising commodity prices,
the weather, the Reds — any-
thing but the capitalist system.”

The Communist manifesto is
.entitled, “Challenge big business
—build a new Britain.” It pro-
poses a series of immediate
measures to tackle inflation and
the economic and social crisis at

Well its
either the

fuse gone
or the :
Tories are

back

dal” if the party were not allow-
ed party political broadcasts. He
said a party deputation would be
going to the broadcasting author-
ities to demand broadcasting
time.

Communist Manifesto

The Communist manifesto
stated: “A vote for the Com-
munist candidate is a vote for
someone who wants to see an
end to the corruption, exploita-
tion and inhumanity of capitalist
society, and the building of a
new society in which the people
own their country and its re-
sources, and control their own

destinies,”
manifesto proposed:
least six months;
fits;

luxury goods;

dies;

the Common Market;

By JONAS ARTABAN

LISBON — Before the overthrow of
the fascist government of Marcello
Caetano on April 25, monopoly capital
had dictatorial power in Portugal. Even
today its power remains immense, al-
though its direct hold on the insitutions
of the state has been weakened con-
siderably.

Monopoly capital in Portugal has
seven major groupings: Groupe C.U.F.
(Union Manufacturing Company),
Groupe Espirito Santo, Groupe Cham-

_palimaud, Groupe Portugues do Atlan-
tico, Groupe Borges e Irmao, Groupe
Nacional Ultramarino, and -Groupe
Fonsecas e Burnay.

_ All these groupings have ownership

of both banks and industry. In Marxist-
Leninist analysis they are concentra-
tions of finance capital, that is, coales-
cences of industrial and bank capital.
In some cases the bank capital took
Over industry to form finance capital.
This was the process of development
with Groupe Espirito Santo. In other

cases, industrial capital established or ,

took over banks. For example, the
Groupe CUF, industrial capital was the
base used to establish its Banco Totta
e Acores.

The large monopolies in Portugal are
responsible for about one-third of the
industrial work force, but about two-
thirds of the output. The largest con-
centration of production is the about
8,000 workers in the shipyards in Bar-
reiro, owned mainly by CUF (and inci-
dentally, a stronghold of the PCP).
There are other concentrations such as
the about 7,000 shipbuilding at Lisnave,
and the abbdut 4,000 in steel at Siderur-
goa, but these are not typical of the’
generally backward and unevenly de-
veloped economy.

Portuguese monopoly has _partici-
pated in a major way in the exploitation
of the colonies. In particular, until the
beginning of the armed national libera-

,

tion struggle in 1961, large amounts
of capital were poured into the colonies.
After this time there has been a rela-
tive decline in colonial investment. On
the other hand, the period has seen a
significant increase in capital flows to
non-colonial areas. :

There is some’ debate on the degree
of significance of Portuguese monopoly
in non-colonial areas, but one can ‘say
that the tendency of Portuguese mono-

PACIFIC TRIBUNE—FRIDAY, OCTOBER 4, 1974—Page 6

poly to export capital is becoming
increasingly. apparent. For example,
Champalimaud has large holdings in
France. He is the largest non-insitu-
tional shareholder of the Swiss Bank of
Paris. It might also be added that

« Champalimaud is a personal friend of

French president Giscard d’Estaing.
(Giscard d’Estaing is reported to have
made personal visits to Portugal and
to have vacationed on Champalimaud’s
yacht and his property in Mozambique.)

Historically, Portugal has been a
country highly dependent on the ac-
tions of foreign states, especially
Britain. In Imperialism Lenin consider-
ed Portugal to have a particular form of
financial and diplomatic dependence,
accompanied by political independence,
but not quite a ‘semi-colony’. “Portugal
is an independent sovereign state, but
actually, for more than two hundred
years, since the war of Spanish Succes-
sion (1701-14), it has been a British
protectorate. Great Britain has protect-
ed Portugal and her colonies in order
to fortify her own position in the fight
against her rivals, Spain and France. In
return Great Britain has received com-
mercial privileges, preferential condi-
tions for importing goods and especial-
ly capital into Portugal and Portuguese
colonies, the right to use the ports and

islands of Portugal, her tele raph
cables, etc., etc.” aes

_ The formation of the First Republic
in 1910 marked Portugal’s bourgeois
revolution. Unlike some other capitalist
countries after World War 1, Portugal
did not have a significant boom. For the
working people the period was one of
permanent crisis and general instability.
In May 1926 there was a coup in which
one of those brought into power was
Salazar. In 1933 a new constitution was
dictated in which fascism appeared
more visibly as fascism, During this
period Portugal retained the contradic-
tory character of a capitalist nation

To bring down prices, the
@ A freeze on prices for at
@ Slashing of monopoly pro-
® Abolition of VAT except on
@ An increase in food subsi-
@ Immediate withdrawal from
© The arms bill of £3,600 mil-
lion a year to be cut by half.

It called for a policy of eco-
nomic growth with increased

wages, pensions, and social bene-
fits.

Trade Expansion

In addition, it demanded he@
vier taxation of the rich, drasu¢
control of non-essential imports
the selling of big business 4°.
sets overseas and expansion °
trade with the socialist coum
tries and developing world.

A big expansion program for
housing, the health service, 4%
education was outlined in ©
manifesto, along with the prov
sion of equal right for women:

The -week before the Labor
Party launched its elect
manifesto which promised th
creation of “a fairer, more deme
cratic and more socially J¥§
society”.

Mr. Wilson, in reprenting the
Labour program, has insist
that there would be no possi
lity of coalition with the Toa
or Liberals, even if Labour
should be returned with a minoF
ity as before.

Drop Pledges

In comparison with the Com”
munist election program i
‘Labour manifesto contains on ;
vague and limited proposals a :
public ownership, and it dee
the specific pledges made in 1a8
February’s manifesto to ;
over sections of the pharmacel

that was both colonizer an
semi-colony.

caused by World War II demonsti®
to the Portuguese ruling clas an
particular vulnerability, of depen.
of their ‘position. After the W®
policy of import situation was P
using slogans such as “you ;
save foreign currency”. ‘The te!
trade were turned against agric

qa™

d econ?

The disruption of the worl