i
|
|
;

being set up in Kiev and Toronto to push

the process.
oviet Foreign
Minister Eduard
Shevardnadze will
be in Ottawa Feb.
12-14 for further
talks on this and
other subjects,

- including the

settling of regional conflicts.

In estimating the profound changes in
the world, we should avoid over-
simplification, or the conclusion that new
thinking is a guise for retreat or denial of
the class struggle and the fight for
socialism.

We should not regard the de-
ideologizing of state-to-state relations as a
socialist retreat, nor today’s corrections of
socialist theory and practice with its
defeat.

In Moscow, Mulroney boasted that he
too has unleashed perestroika on Canada,
although Canadians would be quick to
add that he has omitted glasnost from the
process.

The rapid pace of capitalist
restructuring, with its social and human
costs, will be the primary cause for the
democratic and class struggle heating up
in Canada in the 1990s. The deficit is
expected to exceed $35 billion. The
recession is already upon us. The trade
deal is proving a disaster. Unemployment
grows as plants are idled and de-
regulation and cutbacks hit the service
and public sector. Every economic sector
is crisis-ridden. The Meech Lake Accord

is in the shoals. The Tories are currently

in third place in the popularity polls.

Some capitalists are re-evaluating their
support for the Conservatives and the
effectiveness of their policies. Different
Strategies being advocated reflect the
uncertainties facing Canada’s
establishment.

A growing number, looking at the
prospects of a major recession, pursue a
range of alternative capitalist options to,
among other things, cut interest rates,
expand the marketplace and stimulate the
economy. How much scope capital has to
manoeuvre between these two economic
poles is an important consideration. It will
determine how much effort will be
required to thwart the course set by
Mulroney, as well as the scope for the
popular movements to seize on the
contradictions in the Tories’ agenda,

especially as it confronts a growing
opposition.

Corporate Canada will rely on the trade
agreement, neo-conservative re-
restructuring and the economic crisis to
impose extra concessions. In such a
situation, our party should note that the
October central committee meeting
underestimated the mood of Canadaian
workers.

Their militancy has been amply
reflected by the secondary leadership in
labour conventions since. Activities
planned for the new year are in direct
response to the calls heard at various
federations of labour and union
conventions.

Among these are the anti-GST protests
set for April 7-9, involving the trade union
movement and the pro-Canada forces. We
should not underestimate the significance
of this development. While a co-ordinated
protest against the Goods and Services
Tax will not be easy to pull off,
particularly given problems in the
leadership of the CLC, it is achievable,
and could lift the overall struggle in
Canada to a new level.

Cynicism over the protest, in certain
quarters of the labour movement, reflects
the considerable disquiet with the
Canadian Labour Congress leadership.
The CLC and much of labour’s leadership
is struggling against the economic crisis,
using the tools of the pre-crisis period.
The Left has a special responsibility here
to help the trade unions overcome this
outdated style.

The New Democratic Party is also
struggling with its past. Its recent
convention marked an advance for left
and progressive currents in the party,
which could have a positive impact on
future struggles of the people.

However, despite a strengthened left in
the NDP which wants to oppose
international capital, and some who
openly want the NDP to embrace
fundamental social change, the party is
frustrated by lack of policy.

The NDP, essentially remains a party
committed to giving capitalism the
“human face’ it has always sought, but in
conditions where the “human face” is
increasingly hard to create.

The NDP also faces a resurgent Liberal
Party in the fight to win the support of the
anti-conservative forces. It is highly likely
the up-coming Liberal leadership
convention in Calgary will chart a path

designed to capture the reform sentiment
in this country, without offering far-
reaching reforms.

he people’s
movements,
including the NDP,
require a
strengthened Left,
armed with a clear
vision, innovation
and effective
tactics. Unity of the Left is essential, now
more than ever. A stronger, more effective
Communist Party is also required, not in
opposition to Left unity but to help
facilitate it.

The Left has a roughed-in version of
immediate alternatives. These need to be
popularized, up-dated, and made part of
the debate. In addition, we need to frame
the economic, political, social and
philosophical parameters of socialism in
Canada, and how to achieve it. |

There is a significant Left in this
country, with considerable experience in
struggle, connected to most major
people’s movements. It operates in and
outside the NDP, within the unions and
the peoples’ movements. A significant
portion embraces a socialist, even a
Marxist perspective. It includes the
Communist Party, but extends well
beyond it. In today’s and tomorrow’s
conditions, the destiny of the Left forces
must become increasingly intertwined.

Our party is critically re-examining its
role. Members are asking how they can
most effectively present an alternative to
neo-conservatism, while advancing our
long-term socialist vision for Canada.

How to unite the entire Left and
socialist political leadership of the working
class and peoples’ movement is not a
distant question that can tolerate a distant
answer. It’s on the table here and now.
Many Communists are fully involved in
the crucial struggles raging in this country.
But we must frankly admit that, as a
party, we are poorly equipped for the
battles we are now in, and those we are
entering.

We lag ideologically and
organizationally from playing our full
potential role. Such a frank and critical
self-appraisal should not lead to
pessimistic conclusions, or detract from
our party’s contribution to Canadian
working people and the fight for
socialism. But we must acknowledge that
we face a new set of circumstances
requiring bold new approaches. This will
be the main challenge of the 28th
Convention.

The Communist Party is a synthesis of
scientific socialism and working class
practice. Yet, both our working class
practice and our creative development of
scientific socialism, and their inter-
connections, remain extremely limited.

These limitations involve objective
factors. But they also involve wrong and
long-ingrained approaches related to
Stalinism. Democracy inside the party, as
well as criticism and self-criticism remain
underdeveloped.

The CPC’s connections with the people
suffers. Theory and practice suffer in
direct proportion to lack of initiative,
creativity, and unity. This is reflected in
problems of party growth and a shortage
of leaders.

Events in Eastern Europe have
challenged many of our precepts. Our
opposition to political pluralism, our
narrow interpretation of proletarian
internationalism, our concept of the
working class state, our view of the
leading role of the Communist Party, and
the party’s relationship to the people
under socialism — all need review.

The re-evaluation of the 1968 events in
Czechoslovakia by the central committee
in February should be preceded by an
intense period of consultation with our
members to draw the lessons of what was
not only a significant error on our part,

but why it was committed.

Acknowledging that error and learning
from it, and from recent events in the
socialist countries, is essential for moving
the party forward. The issue 1s not so
much Czechoslovakian socialism, or
Eastern European socialism, but socialism
in Canada.

Our party, its history, organization and
program need to be examined critically in
light of today’s conditions and the lessons
of history. The entire party must be
involved in this examination, and the
changes which must come as a result of
such a collective re-evaluation.

It would be unrealistic to think that we
can change overnight. But our party
convention can lay a general guideline for
the essential details of change.

While we strive to build a revolutionary
party of the type described above, we
must reach out and initiate dialogue in
common with the Left.

However there will be no dialogue if we
are submerged in wrong or out-dated
concepts which cause us to be viewed
suspiciously or as irrelevant. In the search
for unity, we, not others, bear the main
responsibility.

Organizational questions have
consumed considerable energy as we try
to solve important political questions
before us. Organization must serve the
political aims of the party. Forms which
have outlived their usefulness, or have
never proved their worth, should be
discarded.

Today, organization must provide
stronger links to the people’s movements
which are capable of shaking the Tory
neo-conservative agenda. Organization
must serve the political development of
our members who are actively involved in
the peoples’ struggles. It must become

attractive both to our membership and to
those who wish to join our party.

We have not yet reached an agreement
on what role our press should play, yet
our press is our most important organizer.
In addition to its other tasks of
organization, agitation and education the
press must become a major bridge for
Left dialogue.

We need other intermediate forms of
organization recognizing the differences in
the Left, the gap between our party and
others in the Left, but which acknowledge
the need to work together. A united
organized form of the socialist left is
desirable.

A united party of the socialist left is
being posed. We should ask whether or
not this is timely; what impact it will have
on left unity both in the long and short
term; how it affects our estimation of the
NDP; and what principles are involved.

We need to be quite specific about the
organizational forms for Left unity.
Establishing these forms should not be
postponed until the party and the socialist
Left have the perfect organizational and
ideological solution. To do this would
forever postpone Left unity.

The key to renovating our party, in
addition to a correct approach to theory,
is a correct approach to the people’s
movements, the trade unions, the NDP
and our socialist allies. The extension of
our work in the popular movements, and
the renovation of our party should
proceed in tandem with and parallel to
one another.

The question of changing the name of
our party has been and will continue to be
raised. The name is important, but falls in
the category of form, not principle. The
content of what the party stands for is
what counts. Will the change of name
help us advance our principles, and our
perspective? If so, let’s change it.

For my part, the change of name is
secondary. Primary is a party as described

above — a party cleansed of anti-socialist,

anti-Marxist, dogmatic, anti-scientific
content.
Cosmetic changes won’t do.

Pacific Tribune, January 29, 1990 « 7