GENE NOVOCELOV

n trade union movement
a big part in the struggle
es of that continent for
ependence. Sometimes the
the decisive force in the
e that the independence
d be real and not formal,
stance in Congo-Brazzaville.
only the militancy of the
ers’ unions should be
but also that of white col-
and teachers. A number
statesmen are former trade

esent stage of the struggle

® national independence,
ut a solid economic base
precarious, the tasks of the
determined by the real situa-
various countries. In the
which have taken the non-
road, the unions operate in
field, generally in close co-
with the political parties,
coming identical with them
h have their particular respon-

s where the leaders have
p capitalist way the main
of the unions is to struggle
the economic interests of the
In this struggle, which brings
9 opposition with the groups
holding power, trade union
ons become a crucible of the
msciousness of the workers;
go beyond the field of
® union action and place
8s in the forefront of the pro-
which are carrying on
against all forms of neo-

y preliminary remarks are
to bring out the consider-
‘growing influence exercised
Ons on opinion in Africa,
ning the special interest of
O in them during recent

Onization of Africa implies
of the ICFTU, which has
ioned by almost all the
Inions. The irreversible char-
this process was confirmed
{961 by the formation of the
in Trade Union Federation.
ant event marked the be-
the independent African trade
ement, seeking to affirm its
and to cooperate with its
of the whole world on an
g and on class principles.
on of continental exclu-
Natural reaction at the begin-
_to the colonial past, was
Overcome since it led to iso-
was incompatible with real
ism.

cooperation between the
le unions and those of the
ries and the growing in-
ideas of socialism among
ers, greatly worried the
alists, including the

\

African unions in
fight for independence

Americans, as well as their reformist
partners led by the AFL-CIO, which
for decades has been the most con-
sistent champion of class collaboration

‘ everywhere and at all costs. AFL-CIO

President George Meany has many
times criticized the ICFTU for the in-
adequacy of its work in the developing
countries, and in particular in Africa.
These criticisms were followed by
action. In 1961, after organizing the
American Institute for Free Labor
Development (AIFLD) for work in
Latin America, the AFL-CIO set up a
special fund for work among the unions
of Africa, and at the beginning of 1965
created the African-American Labor
Centre (AALC), thus attempting to
take over from the ICFTU, with the
perspective of replacing it.

Irving Brown, who was appointed as
executive director of the Centre, wrote
at that time in the monthly bulletin of
the AFL-CIO Free Trade Union News,
setting out the aims of his national
centre; “The American trade union
movement (is) one of the most ad-
vanced organized forces in the U.S.A.
in the struggle against colonialism”
(The American imperialist war against
the people of Vietnam is nothing else,
if one is to believe convention resolu-
tions and the leading bodies of the
AFL-CIO, than “the defense of freedom
against communist aggression’’) .

Spelling out the aims of the AALC,
its executive director put the empha-
sis on workers’ education, occupational
training, cooperatives and housing con-
struction. A commitment of this kind
by the AFL-CIO was certainly praise-
worthy, because in the fields indicated
the African countries had, and still
have, real need of assistance. And yet
Irving Brown did not mention the es-
sential point and it seems to us that
this gap can be filled by a quotation
from his chief, -Meany, who in
June of the same year, that is to say
on the eve of the Congress of the
ICFTU, formulated the aims of the
ICFTU in this way: “The anti-com-
munist campaign should be stepped up
in all fields of activity. Special con-
sideration must be given to the en-
lightenment of the peoples, leaders and
unions in developing, countries about
the nature and aims of communism...”
(Free Trade Union News June 1965).
Trying in vain to conceal the real inten-
tions of the AFL-CIO, Meany pre-
sented the formation of the AALC as
being in no way harmful to the influ-
ence of the ICFTU, but this proposi-
tion deceived no-one either in the
ICFTU or in Africa. It was obvious
that, discontented with the ICFTU
which was considered as not being zea-

—Through a spiked gate, a view of General Motors of South Africa—

lous enough in the struggle against
communism, Meany and his friends
were setting to work themselves.

No-one can doubt that they are well-
placed for this kind of work. Is it pos-
sible to name anyone among the trade
unionists of any country who can equal
Meany in his virulent anti-com-
munism? If we look beyond the AFL-
CIO certainly no-one will be found.
Any step of this extent implies ex-
pense. From this point of view
Meany and his team are invulnerable.
If the funds of the AFL-CIO are not
sufficient they can freely draw on
government or CIA’ funds as they have
done on a number of occasions.

And trusties with no scruples can
be found in any number provided there
are the necessary funds to grease their
palms.

It should be noted in this connec-
tion that the choice of the director of
the AALC is rather significant. In July
1967, reviewing the record of the
Centre, Irving Brown modestly express-
ed himself as follows: “Its executive
director, Irving Brown, is a very old
trade unionist of great experience.” He
is perfectly co and those who
would like to know more about his
experience could consult the active
trade unionists of the French CGT and
the Italian CGIL who lived through the
years after the second world war and
who witnessed the subversive activities
of Mr. Brown in western Europe where
this experienced splitter proved him-
self. At that time Meany also took
part in the great split in the WFTU
as Treasurer of the AFL-CIO.

Since that time the leading group
in the AFL-CIO has given proof of its
capacity to render service to Ameri-
can imperialism, including in fields
other than trade unionism. The Ameri-
can Institute for Free Labor Develop-
ment has demonstrated how they have
adapted themselves to the specific con-
ditions in South America. The main
job of the AIFLD is to train trade
union Officials for the countries of that
continent and in this they have acquit-
ted themselves well . . . according to
their masters. Former students proved
their attachment to the principles in-
culcated by the Institute when, in 1967,
they helped to overthrow the progres-
sive regime of the Brazilian President
Goulart, who had become too embar-
rassing for the United States monopo-
lies. One of the heads of the AIFLD,
William Doherty, openly stated this
with pride a few weeks after the
events.

The. CIA did the same thing to Dr.
Jagan in former British Guiana and
to President Bosch of the Dominican

Republic, again with the support of

trade unionists trained by the AIFLD.

The disciples have taken over ‘the
rules of their professors: trade union
action must in no case go beyond the
limits of economic demands; the best
method is to negotiate within the
framework of the existing system and
with respect for the authorities; ques-
tioning of loyalty towards the United
States is the worst sacrilege.

That in brief is the creed of
Meany and his friends who give their
unconditional support to the American
Government in the most vile affairs,
including the’ aggression against Viet-
nam. The political impudence of these
gentlemen carried to an extreme was
one of the causes of the crisis which
recently broke out within the AFL-
CIO, after it had been smouldering for
several months.

Can we assume that the aims of the
AALC will be any different from those
of the AIFLD? One would require to
be very simple to believe it. The AFL-
CIO leaders have shown for years that
they are the faithful and wholehearted
partisans of American imperialism,
which is doing everything to replace its
European rivals in Africa as quickly
as possible.

In April of this year, two vice-presi-
dents of the AFL-CIO, Paul Phillips
and Max Greenberg made a long trip
through Africa. They visited a number
of countries, had many meetings and
discussions and inspected a school for
motor drivers in Lagos as well as other
AALC establishments. The visitors
from overseas gave many assurances
of their friendship and promises of as-
sistance of all kinds.

But the real, though camouflaged,
intentions of: these sponsors of the
AALD did not escape the attention of

. African trade unionists, who watch
over the independence of their coun-
tries and organizations. Significant in
this respect was the reaction of the
Nigerian Trade Union Congress which,
in May of this year, in a special note
to the Federal Government signed by
its General Secretary, S. Bassey, em-
phasized that “the AFL-CIO supported
by the CIA, has literally taken over the
functions of the ICFTU”. He demand-
ed that the offices of the ICFTU and
the AALC in Lagos should be closed
and that “a detailed examination of
the program of the Trade Union In-
stite belonging to this Centre “should
be carried out.

The material assistance from the
AFL-CIO can even be very useful, pro-
vided one is vigilant in regard to the
attached ideas.

When someone needs to learn to
drive why not apply to the AALC
school if it has good instructors? But
as far as their organizations are con-
cerned, African trade unionists will
drive themselves, and will choose their

- road according to the needs and de-
sires of the workers of Africa,

—World Trade Union Movement
PACIFIC TRIBUNE—MARCH 14, 1969—Page 7