Controversy lingers over GDR censorship of Soviet magazine I was about to file a story about the recent removal of the Soviet magazine Sputnik from circulation here in the GDR, but a direct response to Martin Robert’s recent queries about democracy in the GDR (pub- lished in the Canadian Tribune, Dec. 19, 1988 and reprinted below) now seems a more appropriate forum for discussion. Certainly the government’s decision to suspend the distribution of Sputnik is both questionable and controversial. It was simply announced without comment, and only after numerous protests throughout the country did the official government newspaper Neues Deutschland publish an explanation, stating: “Sputnik was no longer making a contribution to the consol- idation of German-Soviet friendship, but instead providing distorted depictions of history.” Even in light of recent statements about the Soviet press by Vadim Medvedev, who criticized the mass media for sensationalism and careless treatment of facts, can such censorship be understandable? In Sputnik, No. 10/88, the writer Julian Semenov con- tends: “... the German Communists could not bring themselves to unite with the Social Democrats in the battle against the Nazis. Their unification would have pre- cluded Hitler from gaining the majority of votes in the election to the Reichstag, and the subsequent history of Europe might well have taken an entirely different course.”’ Another article from the same issue, entitled “Would there have been Hitler without Stalin?” say that immediately fol- lowing the 1939 German-Soviet non- aggression pact, the Communist parties of the world put an end to anti-fascist propa- ganda, “thus causing the situation to worsen catastrophically.” The articles virtually hold Communists responsible for Hitler’s rise to power. These ideas are also not new. But as was pointed out by Neues Deutschland, “up to now, such statements were made only .by unscrupulous apologists of fascism in the West”. How, in good conscience, could the edi- tors of Sputnik ignore documented proof that after the pact was signed, the Commu- nist Party of Germany issued an immediate call for unity of action of all workers and for an anti-fascist People’s Front against Hitler? How can they deny that thousands of Communists and Social Democrats were at this time struggling together under illegal conditions, those who were being tortured in Gestapo dungeons, the thousands of pri- soners in concentration camps? That many of the GDR’s government leaders, including Erich Honecker, are vete- rans of this anti-fascist struggle, goes a long way toward explaining their strong reac- tion. Such slanders coming from friendly KONCHALOVSRY issue was SPUTNIK MAGAZINE ... pulled off shelves in GDR. sources go beyond their limits of tolerance, and their actions must be understood in this context. But it is also true that many Socialist Unity Party (SED) members regret the deci- sion to ban Sputnik, holding GDR citizens as educated and capable of being exposed to polemics about the role of Stalin in light of new facts and analyses coming from the Soviet Union. The GDR’s experiences of building socialism differ from those in the Soviet Union. They did not experience personality cult and mass reprisals, but the aim of both societies is the same — to raise the standard of living of their peoples and make socialism more and more attractive in the peaceful competition with capitalism. Building socialism is in itself a revolu- tionary process, and its success will ulti- mately depend upon an increase in labour productivity. How else can the new social order supersede the old one? As the report from the last SED central committee meeting, which took place this past December, states: ““The GDR is no utopia. It must not be surrounded with an aura of infallibility. However, this should not prevent us from making all citizens clearly aware of the fact that the successes we have achieved in building an advanced socialist society are the fruits of creative work done by millions of people, and that socialism is the only possible alternative to a capitalist society.” Rita Hoppe, Tribune Correspondent, Berlin, GDR GDR coverage omits glasnost The Tribune’s Berlin correspond- ent, Rita Hoppe, has reduced glasnost and perestroika to economics in her story (“No perestroika revolution is in the works for the GDR,” Tribune, Oct. 31, 1988). The reader is to be convinced that the German Demo- cratic Republic has long been ahead of changes in the USSR. Democracy and its shortcomings in the GDR receive all but passing mention. But the subject of democracy can- not be left out of the discussion quite that easily. The 27th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union recognized that the ambitious eco- nomic goals set at that congress could only be achieved in a society with a truly socialist democracy. Thus we are seeing in the USSR a re-definition of democracy and a determined attempt to overcome the legacy of Stalinism with all its crimes and erased pages of history. A play by Soviet playwright Mik- hail Shatrov, entitled Dalsche ... Dalsche ... Dalsche (Forward, For- ward, Forward), dealing with pre- cisely those issues, was the catalyst for a heated, frank and compassionate debate in the Soviet Union. But while the official paper of the Socialist Unity Party, Neues Deutschland, was quick in printing an article condemning the play, GDR citizens were unable to form their own opinions — the Ger- man-language edition of the Soviet journal New Times, which contained excerpts from the play, was removed from newsstands. A similar fate was reserved for another Soviet journal, Sputnik, which dealt with Stalinism on some of its pages. Democracy in the spirit of glasnost and Lenin? Hopefully, one day soon we will be treated to inquisitive reporting from the GDR which goes beyond the rehashing of official statements and news releases. Martin Robert, Toronto Keep ‘em coming... This is the third issue in which we have carried a full page of letters. It is not the result of a change in editorial policy — indeed we have always wel- comed letters — but rather that we have been fortunate in receiving regu- lar correspondence from readers over the past few weeks. The one change which we did institute — with the Dec. 19 issue — is that letters will always be printed on page 5 (in a 12 page edition) They will appear there regularly as we receive them. So keep *em coming. Job losses show up Tory trade fraud It is scarcely a month since the Mulroney government passed its proposed “free” trade deal with the U.S. into law. Already, however, industrial workers across Canada find their job security threatened as never before in history. Canadian free enterprisers are also being forced out of business in fruit-growing, logging and fishing in B.C., in farming across the country, in saw milling, transportation — to name but some of the many basic industries and manufacturing sectors of our economy which are being jeopardized. Is it not clear that the Mulroney govern- ment grossly misrepresented what was being carried out in the name of the Cana- dian people in the negotiations carried on by Mr. Reisman and his ‘associates in Washington In the name of free trade deal- ing? And is one not justified in calling this treason to Canada and the Canadian people? Consequently, are the Canadian people morally or legally obliged to respect the Mulroney government’s collective parlia- mentary enactment of this “deal” into legis- lation? Can such law, based on fraud, be considered legally or morally binding? Or, are not Canada as a nation and the Cana- dian people called upon rather to oppose and obstruct every move made under such law? I ask you. Beatrice Ferneyhough, Vancouver The election and the NDP There seems to be quite a difference in the conclusions reached by Fred Wilson, (“Debate opens on NDP,” Tribune, Dec. 19, 1988) and Kerry McCuaig, (“Giving labour an independent voice,” Tribune, Jan. 16, 1989) on the ill-fated NDP behav- iour in the recent federal election. Of course, it is important to decide via a post mortem who was to blame, and whether it was stupidity or treachery. But I don’t think there is much to be gained by following all the labyrinth-like presentation of the facts of the case as presented by Fred Wilson. Better by far to take note of the solution offered by Kerry McCuaig: “The devel- opment of a broad social movement ... is the key to turning a lost round into a won match.” Agreeing with this perspective, I would add that the NDP has shown itself not to be the watershed for a pro-Canada progressive movement but, possibly, only a part of it. Whether the NDP should even be the major standard bearer of the left in Canada’s par- liaments is, I think, another question that needs looking into. With every good wish to our paper for 1989. Bill Campbell, Kamloops Prevention key for oil spills Only a small part of the oil that smears the West Coast of Vancouver Island has been cleaned up satisfactorily and this after such a valiant effort by so many dedicated volunteers. Only time will tell the extent of the damage. Despite public outrage about “too little too late” and “if only we had done this or that” there is still little than be done once the oil is spilled anywhere within hundreds of kilometres of this coast particu- larly during the winter months. So much for the cure. An oil spill espe- cially in the winter here is nothing short of a catastrophe so what about prevention? So far neither the media nor the government has picked up on that one. This may not be 100 per cent effective but it does point the way. As long as oil is shipped up and down the west coast a spill is inevitable. The outer coast is a rocky and in winter, stormy place. The rest of the year it is not that bad. Shipping oil along the west coast in winter should be declared for what it is, an act of piracy and towing oil by barge at any time of the year should cease forthwith. Meanwhile a review of the submissions made to the recent oil ports inquiry would be in order. Fred Pearson, Comox Pacific Tribune, January 30, 1989 5