SPECIAL SUPPLEMENT he scope of approach of our partners was not broad enough. They did not have enough understanding of how unique the moment was and, ultimately, they did not have enough courage, sense of respon- sibility and political resolve which are needed so much during the solution of pressing key world problems. They remained on old positions which time had eroded already and which did not corres- pond to present-day realities. Foreigners asked me there in Iceland and my com- rades ask me here: what, in my opinion, are the root causes of this attitude of the American delegation at the Reykjavik meeting? There are a number of causes, both subjective and objective ones. However, the main cause is that the leadership of that great country excessively depends on the military-industrial complex, on the monopolistic groups which turned the nuclear and other arms races into business, into a way of making profits, into the objective of their existence and the meaning of their activities. In my opinion, the Americans are making two seri- ous mistakes in their assessment of the situation. The first one is a tactical mistake. They believe that the Soviet Union will sooner or later reconcile itself to the attempts to American strategic diktat and will agree to the limitation only of Soviet weapons, to the reduc- tion only of Soviet weapons. It will do so because, as they think, it is interested in disarmament agreements more than the U.S. But this is profound delusion. The quicker the U.S. administration overcomes it — Iam repeating it, perhaps, for the hundredth time — the better it will be for them, for our relations, for the world situation in general. The other mistake is a strategic one. The United States wants to exhaust the Soviet Union economically through the buildup of sophisticated and costly space arms. It wants to impose hardships of all kinds on the Soviet leadership, to foil its plans, including in the social sphere and the sphere of improving our people’s living stand- ards, and thus foment discontent among the people with their leaders, with the country’s leadership. Another aim is to restrict the Soviet Union’s possi- bilities in its economic ties with developing countries which, in this situation, all would be compelled to go cap in hand to the United States. These are far-reaching designs. The strategic course of the current administra- _.tion.also rests on delusions. Washington, it seems, does ‘not wish to. burden itself: with a thorough analysis of the changes taking place in our country, does not wish to draw corresponding practical conclusions for itself, for its course, but is engaged in wishful thinking. On the basis of this delusion, it is building its policy in respect to the USSR. There is more public discussion of issues and policy in the USSR than ever before as the country prepares i great overall leap forward by the end of the century. Mikhail Gorbachev has talked informally to the people the street, as he does here in Moscow, We know where we stand and see our possibilities clearer. The preparations for the Reykjavik meeting helped us formulate a platform — a new, bold platform which adds to the chances for ultimate success. It meets the interests of our people and society at the new stage of its socialist development. This platform also meets the interests of all other countries and nations and thereby deserves confidence. We are confident that it will be received with understanding in many countries of the world and in the most different political and public circles. The American leadership will obviously need some time. We are realists and we clearly understand that ques- tions which have remained unresolved for many years We have now better cleared the way to launching further efforts for peace and disarmament. We have freed ourselves from obstructions that have formed, from stereotypes, which fettered new approaches in that important area. t is not, of course, difficult to predict all long-term consequences of such a policy. One thing is already clear to us: it will not bring, it cannot bring anything that is posi- tive to anyone, including the United States. Before addressing you, I read the U.S. President’s statement on Reykjavik. It is noteworthy that the presi- dent ascribes all the proposals discussed to himself. Well, these proposals are, probably, so attractive for the Americans and the peoples around the world that one resorts to sucha ruse. We are not consumed with vanity. But it is important that people get the truthful picture of what happened in Reykjavik. And what is next? I already said at the press confer- ence that the work which had been done before the meeting and in Reykjavik would not be in vain. We our- selves considered much in connection with that meet- ing and reconsidered much. We have now better cleared the way to launching further effort for peace and dis- armament. We freed ourselves from obstructions that had formed, from petty things, from stereotypes which fettered new approaches in that important area of our politics. THIS SPECIAL SUPPLEMENT WAS INSERTED BY THE USSR EMBASSY PRESS OFFICE, OTTAWA, ONT. 8 e PACIFIC TRIBUNE, NOVEMBER 12, 1986 and even decades can hardly be resolved at a single sitting. We have quite a lot of experience in doing busi- ness with the U.S. We know how quickly the domestic political climate can change there, how strong and influential opponents of peace across the ocean are. There is nothing new in it for us. And if we are not despairing, if we do not slam the door and give vent to our emotions, although there is more than enough reason for it, this is because we are sincerely convinced of the need for new efforts aimed at building normal interstate relations in the nuclear epoch. Any other way just does not exist. Another thing: after Reykjavik, the infamous SDI became more conspicuous as a symbol of obstruction in the way of peace, as a concentrated expression of militaristic designs and the unwillingness to avert the nuclear threat looming large over mankind. It is impossible to perceive it otherwise. This is the most important lesson of the Reykjavik meeting. In summing up these eventful days, I would say the following. The meeting was a major event. A reappraisal took place. A qualitatively new situation developed. It is no longer possible to act as one acted before. The meeting was useful. It prepared a possible step forward toward a real shift for the better should the U.S. adopt, finally, realistic positions and give up delusions in outlook. It convinces us of the correctness of the path chosen of the necessity and constructiveness of the new mode of political thinking in the nuclear age. about their thoughts, hopes, criticism and dreams. e are full of energy and determinatio™ Having embarked on restructuring the country has already travers certain distance. We have just the process, but there are already changes. Industrial production growth over the pa nine months amounted to 5.2 per cent, labour Pr” ductivity grew by 4.3 per cent, the national income showed a 3.7 per cent rise compared with the pre vious year. All these indicators are above pla assignments for this year. This is the mightiest sup port on the part of our people, since all this is result of our people’s work, the mightiest supp? for the party’s policy — the support of deeds. This shows that the people’s work in the new cond tions helps accelerate the buildup of the count) economic potential and thus consolidates its defe capabilities. nak The Soviet people and the Soviet leadership are une mous that the policy of socialism can and should be ye policy of peace and disarmament. We shall not swe from the course of the 27th CPSU Congress. —— Next week: Mikhail Gorbachev’s October 22 Tv address, telling more about Reykja and Soviet disarmament policies. oi eee CLIP CLIP CLIP SOVIET NEWS & VIEWS is sent FREE to anyone in Canada who wants the Soviet po view on current events, general information and news from over the largest country in the world. int of all Please put me on your mailing list for SOVIET NEWS VIEWS NAME: ADDRESS: CITY: POSTAL PROVINCE: CODE: > MAIL TO: USSR EMBASSY PRESS OFFICE 1108 - 400 Stewart St., Ottawa, Ontario K1N 6L2