§ lim B uck

In the critical period when fascism was spread-
ing across Europe and mankind was at the very
threshold of a new “dark age” of bloody fascist
barbarism, it was Georgi Dimitrov who awak-
ened hundreds of millions of democrats every-
where to the realization that the democratic
forces of the world could stop the drive of im-
perialism to fascism and war.

Georgi Dimitrov became the personification
of the means by which fascism could be stopped.
His ringing defiance of Hitlerism transformed
his trial into a crushing indictment of the Nazi
regime.

The historic call to action that he made at
the 7th World Congress of the Communist In-
ternational armed the militant forces of demo-
cracy everywhere with a new. understanding of
the means by which fascism could be stopped
and victory over fascism be made the begin-
ning of a new era of social progress.

I met Comrade Dimitrov for the first time in
June 1924. Our delegation from: Canada called
upon him in a small office in the Karl Marx
house on the Alexander Platz in Berlin. Com-
rade Dimitrov was chairman of the West Eu-
ropean Bureau of the Communist International
and was keenly interested in developments of
the working class movement in the United States
and Canada.

= Our delegation consisting of Malcolm Bruce,

on Georgi Dimitrov

Tom Hill and myself were introduced to him by
Comrade Eugene Schoenhaar, a leading member
of the party committee of Greater Berlin. We
were startled to learn that Comrade Dimitrov
knew a great deal more about the working class
movement in North America than Comrade
Schoenhaar, who we considered very -well in-
formed on that subject, and in some fundamen-
tal respects, Comrade Dimitroy was better in-
formed than we ourselves were.

As I got to know him better I was often sur-
prised by his knowledge of the class ‘struggle in
many parts of the world and particularly by the
depth of his understanding. The son of working
class parents, himself a worker, Comrade Dimi-
trov’s thinking was always related very closely
to the actual situation in the working class and
was always directed to the vital aim of streng-
thening the role of the working class.

In the course of an intense all night session
in his apartment in Moscow in 1939, he turned
to me and asked simply, “How many votes did
you receive in the municipal election this year,
Comrade Buck?” When my reply was translated,
he turned to Comrade Manuilsky and said,
“There you are, that’s a wonderful example. Why
don’t you help our young comrade to get those
42,000 citizens into motion!”

In another similar all night session of heated
discussion I pointed out that the editor of our

central organ, who was also chairman of our
Party, M. Spector, was quoting Trotsky to the
effect that the economic laws of motion of cap
italism, revealed by Marx, would make it im:
possible for the Soviet people to. build socialism
in their “backward country.” Dimitrov crushed
the stub of his cigarette in the ashtray and said
quietly, “But Trotsky doesn’t know that the laws
of motion of the proletarian revolution are
stronger than the capitalist laws of motion.”

That was typical of Dimitrov’s style of work.
He asked a great many questions, never raising
his voice unless he was deeply moved, sometimes
incensed or addressing a large audience.

Life is teaching us that within his deeply held
conviction of the historical necessity for work:
ing class unity there is also the fundamental idea
of the working class leadership of society and thé
means by which that may be achieved. As this
creative idea is grasped by the majority of the
working class so mankind will advance from UW”
“realm of necessity to the realm of freedom,
under the banner of Georgi Dimitrov’s creative q
thought and unquenchable ardor. ‘

The name of Georgi Dimitrov will be honored it
forever by the working class and by responsible
advocates of democratic social progress in
walks of life, for the historic contributions th@

he made. on, UCK

Born into a workers’ family
on June 18, 1882, Georgi Dimi-
trov went to work as a printer
when he was 15, in 1902 joined
the Bulgarian Workers’ Social
Democratic Party, which rid it-
self of revisionists, became the
forerunner of the Communist
Party. In 1909 he was elected to
the Central Committee of the
Party.

Dimitrov participated in his
first strike in 1895, in 1901 was
elected to head the Sofia print-
ers’ union, in 1919 became sec-
retary of the General Workers’
Union. In 1913 he was elected
to Parliament and continued to
be re-elected until his forced
emigration in 1923. Led anti-
war agitation, labor struggles
and socialist propaganda.

In 1919 his party proclaimed
itself: the Communist Party. A
delegate to the 2nd Congress of
the Communist International in
1920, he couldn’t attend because
he was arrested on the way. At-
tended the 3rd Congress of the
Comintern the following year,
talked with Lenin.

After the defeat of the popu-
lar insurrection against the
fascist regime in 1923, Dimitrov
was forced to work abroad, be-

came leader of the West Euro-

pean Bureau of the Comintern,
helped to organize the Interna-
tional Anti-War Congress in
Amsterdam.

Arrested by the German fascist
regime in 1933 on a frame-up
charge of setting fire to the
Reichstag, he conducted his
own defence, showed that the
nazis had themselves set the
fire. World public pressure won
his freedom. The USSR granted
him Soviet citizenship and he
flew to Moscow.

Heading the Communist Inter-
national, he delivered the princi-
pal report to the 7th Congress
of the CI in 1935 elaborating the
line of workers’ and people’s
anti-fascist unity, a model for
the world Communist and work-
ers’ movement.

Returning to Bulgaria in 1945
after the successful socialist
revolution, he headed the Father-
land Front in which the Com-
munist Party was the leading
force, won a substantial major-
ity in the general election and
became head of the government.
He led in the transformation of
Bulgaria to a socialist society.

His health undermined by

nearly 50 years of struggle,

Georgi Dimitrov died on July
2, 1949.

PACIFIC TRIBUNE—FRIDAY, JUNE 16, 1972—PAGE 10 _

He helped to light the wa

At the recent meeting of the
Communist Party’s Central Com-
mittee Norman Freed delivered
an address on Georgi Dimitrov
and the Fight for the United
Front. We present an excerpt:

I was in Moscow on Feb. 27,
1934 when Dimitrov arrived
(after his acquittal at the Leip-
zig trial—Ed.). | had the great
privilege of having worked with
him in the Communist Interna-
tional following the 7th Congress
of the CI, which marked a turn-
ing point in the history of the
world Communist movement.

In his historic report G. Dimi-
trov made a far-reaching Marx-
ist-Leninist analysis of the inter-
national situation, unmasking
the real nature of fascism, and
showed the real sourcés of the
danger of a new imperialist war.
The report advanced a new stra-
tegy and tactics, the strategy and
tactics of the—

e working class united front,
united working-class action;

e@ people’s (popular) united
front movement and govern-
ment;

@ national liberation and the
anti-imperialist front.

This was to meet. the imme-
diate menace of fascism and war,
but it was also calculated to open
the path to socialism.

To put this new strategy and
tactics into operation several
very important positions prev-
iously advanced by the CI or
held by Communist parties or
certain leaders had to be chang-
ed and cleared away.

The main attack was directed
against dogmatism and sectar-
ianism which stood in the way
of the Communist movement
developing in step with rapidly
changing developments.

There was recognition that the
working class was divided into
two main trends—the revolution-
ary, and the reformist. For the
working class to wage both a de-
fensive and offensive strategy
against fascism and war, it was
essential to conduct developing
united front action between
Communists and Socialists on
the basis of people’s needs ‘and
open the way to healing the split
in the working class movement.
This called for the abandonment

of the previous position of the
wholesale denunciation of social-
democracy as “social-fascism”’
and the tactics that followed
from this sectarian position. ...

While the characterization of
social- democracy as “social-
fascism” is generally recognized
as having constituted a serious
sectarian mistake, there has not

forces that opposed of say
break up the unit ty
actions. : ra

We, like other Crt
parties, have a rich
united front action—
for Peace and Demoe ‘i
League Against Wat | h
ism, Defence of Spams

cracy, May Day, © 4
aevelopmments of unity i
were to facilitate the Fig
political unity, O° “acs y
split in the working ©,
ment, of breaking :
collaboration. wet
Where conditions soll
vanced this would le@® .
lar Front governments: ig

been as yet a full assessment of
the consequences of this position
in the fight to block the road to
fascism and war. There is no
doubt that right-wing social-
democracy played a shameful
role in paving the way to fasc-
ism and war, but sectarian mis-
takes committed by Communists

contributed to the difficulties of ‘ t in
Overcoming the obstacles of The united fron shite
right-wing social-democracy. the immediate artical

In outlining the tactics of the thing, whereas pol if
united front G. Dimitrov indi- the long-term. ith OO
cated the distinction and relation , Dimitrov dealt We we
between united action and poli- ‘of one party of the ot
tical unity. In advancing the pro- class based on sini

posals for united front action no
conditions were to be placed
éxcept one: Ieyal adherence to
the united front action. That
was all.

There was a forthright de-
claration to refrain from attack
on those social-democratic forc-
es that entered and adhered to
agreed issue or issues of united

science of MarxisM© edly
the Popular Front ey
as a transition form vind Wl
the questions inv F )
party government
democracies as @ 10% antl
ers’ rule, and placé kil
question of the wor relat
and its allies as come thy
form evolved in the ve

viet gh
front action, but the Commun- ditions in the. SO" ant |
ists reserved full freedom to among other imp? .
criticize those social-democratic tions.

pico

Dimitrov during th +s rep
ene uring the referendum for a people