Bae Es oes cues By Rick Nagin he stage has been set in France for the election of an advanced anti- monopoly parliament which could form a people’s government. Never since the founding of the French Communist Party has such a high degree of political unity existed in the working class. As in Chile. the basis of this unity is an alliance be- tween the Communists and Socialists © who last June drew up a detailed Com- mon Program of Government. The entire class struggle in France is now revolving around this program. Hun- dreds of thousands of copies have already been sold and it is expected to become France’s all-time political best-seller. As the process of left unity has un- folded, the right-wing monopoly forces have failed at all attempts to regain the initiative and are becoming increasingly fragmented and isolated. At the same time there has been an unprecedented upsurge in strikes, demonstrations, marches, petition campaigns and other mass expressions of protest. Hardly a day has gone by in the last two years without some mass political action taking place somewhere in France. The test will come next March at the time of the general elections for deputies to the National Assembly. The indications are that the coalition of the left will wina solid majority and will then be in a posi- tion to begin assuming the reins of power. The recent history of this extraordin- ary unification of the French working- class movement goes back to 1965 when Francois Mitterand, the Social Democrat- ic leader, ran for president as the com- mon candidate of the left against General Charles DeGaulle. The alliance of Communists and Soc- ialists around Mitterand was based only on the very general principle of the need to defeat the power of big capital. Yet, Mitterand got an unexpected 45% of the vote. With this success in hand the Commu- nists fought hard to persuade the various socialist parties of the need for closer unity. Numerous meetings were held and in February 1967 the Communist Party, the Federation of Social Democratic Parties and a group of social democratic trade union leaders signed a joint declara- tion of intention to forge unity on the left. The results of this closer cooperation came sooner than expected when the left- wing parties scored major gains in the general elections held in June. The right was left with a one vote majority in the National Assembly. Then came the monumental upsurge by students and workers in May 1968. The Communist Party held that a people’s government could be formed provided the working class and non-monopoly parties could get together on a minimal basis. However, the Social Democratic Fed- eration refused, and this refusal gave’ Gaullism, now led by Georges Pompidou, a new lease on life. Seeing that no political outcome was possible, the Communists concentrated on maximizing economic and _ social gains. By the end of the 1968 crisis the lowest paid workers had seen their wages rise by 40%, significant advances had been won in trade union rights and over 500,000 unorganized workers joined the Commu- nist-led General Confederation of Labor (CGT), to which 70% of France’s organ- - ized workers belong. e Despite the limited gains, the 1968 crisis had long-range consequences. The Communists were able to press harder their fight for the political unity of the working class as the prerequisite to any other form of alliance against the mon- opolies. Countless mass struggles were initi- ated so that the unity was developed in practice. These struggles, involving con- tinuous mass political expression, center- ed around seven major issues: peace, housing, mass transport, tax reform, democratic education, nationalization of the drug industry and union rights and civil liberties. WORLD MAGAZINE 4 sed More than 250,000 Parisian workers demonstrate for a living wage and earlier pen- 3 sions in the June 7 general strike called by the French General Confederation of Labor (CGT). French program | for people’s power A major campaign was mounted for left unity and, in December 1970, another joint document was issued by the Social- ists and Communists. This document registered important progress on the part of the Socialists, who for the first time agreed to nationalization of the means of production and exchange and a more democratic national political system. Outstanding disagreements, however, remained on both theoretical and practi- cal points. The Socialists wished to have the working class defined as ‘‘everybody who earns a salary,’ they wanted to go along with big capital’s plans for Euro- pean economic construction and they wanted the principle established that if any disagreements arose in a future left- wing government they could form a new government by allying with the right. The Communists, however, insisted that disagreements should be followed by dissolution of the National Assembly and new elections so that the people could decide. Discussions continued and right-wing forces among the Socialists sought ways to maneuver against the growing forces of unity. These latter forces received a shot in the arm whén the Communists proceeded independently to publish, in September, 1971, their ‘‘Program for a People’s Government of Democratic Unity.” One million copies of this program were rapidly sold in France’s factories, farms, communities and universities. It contained the substance of the common program later drawn up with the Social- ists. _ The government desperately tried to stop the impending alliance of the work- ingclass parties. Pompidou called for a national referendum in April 1972 on his plans for European economic construc- tion, a point which had previously divided the Socialists and Communists. . This time, however, the Socialists, broke with the right and called for absten- tion, while the Communists called for a No vote. Pompidou was dealt a very bit- ter blow as only 36% of the electorate voted yes. With the right in serious disarray and PACIFIC TRIBUNE—FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 24, 1972—-PAGE 6 mass movements reaching an ever higher pitch, the Socialists agreed to meet with the Communists to draw up a common program of government. While these discussions were going on the CGT on June 7 launched a 24-hour national strike for lower retirement age and a higher minimum wage. The strike was an enormous success. Five million workers walked off their jobs, the largest mass demonstrations since May 1968. The Socialists were now ready, and on June 26 agreement was reached on an ad- vanced anti-monopoly program of govern- ment designed to satisfy the demands of the working class, the peasantry, intel- lectual workers, small. shopkeepers and small and medium capitalists. The Common Program of Government is divided into four parts, including social aspects, economic reorganization, politi- cal reorganization and foreign policy. The social part of the program provid- es for a significant increase in the mini- mum wage and pensions and establishes national standards for wages at all levels. It guarantees everyone the right to a job and forbids any layoff without equiva- lent re-employment. It establishes equal pay for equal qualifications for women, youth and immigrants and guarantees these groups all political and union rights. Union rights are extended in the areas of industrial health and safety. The program also calls for a radical tax reform, for expanded public medical benefits. for increased family allotments, for more child care centers, for massive aid to education, for modernizing public transport, for the construction of 700.000 low income public housing units, and for state aid to promote agricultural cooper- ation. . 3 The economic part of the program provides the material basis for the social reforms. It provides for the nationaliza- tion and democratic management of all major industrial and financial monopolies and allows further nationalization if the workers in any given industry demand it. The nationalized industries are to be governed by elected councils of workers, consumers and representatives of the National Assembly to determine all \ employment, production, price and in- vestment policies. ; Through discussions between thesé councils and the state, national economic planning will be initiated. ae Mechanisms are to be set up to gual antee price controls. monetary stability” and full economic disclosures by 4 private corporations. In addition. the i program provides for international ec nomic cooperation. The political part of the program calls” a7 for sharply curtailing the personal powe! of the president. It requires that the com: position of the National Assembly reflect the voting power of each party. At pres» ent, because of gerrymandering, a Com munist deputy represents 130,000 votes: while a Gaullist represents 30,000. The program extends all political free doms and union rights. It guarantees that all political parties and national oF ganizations have their share of access 10 the media. Specific aids are establish to help the publication of newspapers. Greater local and regional political and economic autonomy are establish and regular free elections are guarantee? In terms of foreign policy the Common Program places France squarely in thé anti-imperialist camp. It calls for inde pendence and self-determination to 4 French colonies, for a policy of assistance to all national liberation movements a! recognition of the German Democratic Republic, the Democratic People’s R& public of Korea, the Democratic Repub- lic of Vietnam and the National United Front of Cambodia. E In the Middle East the program s policy is in line with the United Nations resolution of November 1967, which calls for Israeli withdrawal from all conque: territories, recognition of Israel’s right to exist and recognition of the nationa rights of the Palestinian people. With regard to Europe, France would remain a member of the Common Mat ket but would not accept any decision which interfered with its internal pro gram. France would also seek to democ- ratize the Common Market by insisting on the participation of trade unions 4 other mass organizations. The program calls for a policy of peace, for a halt to France’s nuclear weapons development and for moves towards the dissolution of both NATO and the Warsaw pacts. The Common Program of Government opens a new political era in France am has worldwide implications. There is 1° example in history of Socialist and Com munist Parties agreeing in such detail. In the months to come the issue of thé Common Program can be expected to - arouse political activity in France to 2 fever pitch. Already the Radical Party, 4 petty-bourgeois party headed by Jacques Servan-Schreiber, has split over this que>” tion. All of the Radical elected repre senatives except Servan-Schreiber hav® endorsed the program. Daily attacks on the program havé been launched in the right-wing press which is spreading every imaginable dis _ tortion. In addition, the dwindling mov® ments of petty-bourgeois revolutionists: the anarchists, Trotskyists and Maoists: are attacking the program and provoca” e tions are expected. a The key task now is to build the mass movement in support of the program at the burden of responsibility for this will most likely fall on the shoulders of the Communists. The CGT has already come out in pub- lic support of the program and is actively _ | mobilizing its ranks. ee The Communist Party is stepping UP its distribution of shop leaflets and newS papers published in its own name. The Common Program in no way TeP resents a merger of the Communist a? Socialist Parties. Each continues to havé its own positions and activities. In the eyes of the Communists thé Common Program necessitates a much greater independent political activity the part of the masses. It is not a goal bU a transitional step in the struggle of the 4 working class for socialism.