JOSEPH McCARTHY
His spirit lives on

INVITE BARED

SOLON LOW
His party asked McCarthy

SC wanted
McCarthy

REGINA

Leading spokesmen for Social Credit in Saskatchewan

have reve ale d*that they were negotiating with the late.
wr Joe McCarthy to come to Saskatchewan to
in their campaign here.

U.S. Senator
assist them

Stan Obodiac, president of Yorkton -Constituency

Social Credit
wrote McCarthy pointing out
that Social Credit is a “right
wing party similar to the Re-
publican party in the United
States and is definitely against
communism.”

In his letter Obodiac declar-
ed that as Social Credit candi-
date in the 1953 election hé
was “disturbed by the great
number of Communists in the
Yorkton constituency,” and
further disturbed by the -752
votes received by the Commun-
ist candidate in that election.

To emphasize the Situation
facing Saskatchewan, Obodiac
pointed out to the Senator that
“Saskatchewan was the only
socialist state on the North Am-
erican continent.” He -there-
fore appealed to McCarthy to
be the guest speaker at a ban-
quet at Yorkton.

In a letter to Obodiac writ-

Association,

ten the day before his death,
McCarthy thanked the Social
Credit leader for “the véry
kind invitation” but explained
because of the “smear type
campaign” already being wag-
ed against him in Wisconsin,
he was compelled to confine
his speaking engagements to
that state.

Both Wisconsin and Saskat-
chewan have been spared the
further services of the Sena-
tor, but his ghost still stalks.
Obodiac’s efforts to inflict up-
on Saskatchewan the most no-
torious witchhunter of this
decade is an unpleasant re-
reminder of the statement
made in the provincial election

. last summer by Social Credit

national organizer, Orvis Ken-
nedy, “Hitler would have been
alright if he had been left
alone.”

NAMBOODIRIPAD TALKS WITH NEHRU

) McCarthyisdead, but McCarthyism
continues to poison U.S. democracy

3y JOHN WILLIAMSON

It is not surprising that
President Eisenhower express-
ed, grief at the recent death, of
Senator McCarthy.

At the height of the political
witch-hunt in the United
States, Eisenhower comment-
ed: “The purposes that (Mc-
Carthy) and I have .*. . are
one and the same. Our differ-
ences .. . apply to: method.”

But the hundreds of Ameri-
cans who have been the direct
victims of McCarthy himself,
and the thousands who were
the victims of the political ter-
ror and victimisation associat-
ed with his name, had thoughts
radically different from com-
passion or grief.

With his deat? we may now
expect a new tune to the two-
year-old song that, with Mc-
Carthy off the scene, democra-
tic rights and civil liberties
have been returned to the
American scene,

This ‘will be just as erron-
eous as the contrary assertions
during McCarthy’s lifetime,
that fascism was already esta-
blished in the U.S. _ :

McCarthyism was a fascist
spearhead, utilising many of
the established Hitler tech-
niques of the “Big Lie,” re-
volving around the central lie
that the U.S. was about to be
attacked by the socialist world
and its “agents” in the U.S.

It was designed to prepare
the ground for fascism and to
force the nation. along that
path. It undertook to destroy,
or at least paralyse, the basic
democratic tradition and its
resistance to this political hys-
teria, while simultaneously
striving to create a semblance
of mass support for itself.

The later it never achieved,
but in the former it made great
headway, and its imprint is
now upon much of the govern-

ment’s. thinking, practices,
legislation and laws.
McCarthy’s death can well

be the occasion for Americans
to review in what respect
things are different today,

compared with the height of Wood and Robert Harris — the

McCarthyism from 1950 to
1954. And, to the extent there
has been a change of the. Am-
erican people that brought it
about.

The Communists received
the first and hardest blows of
this onslaught. It was only
when people in all walks of

life — and the labor move-
ment and New Dealers in the
first place — realised that

failure to defend the rights of
the Communists endangered
the rights of everyone, that
progress against McCarthyism
was made.

McCarthy was) elected to the

U.S. Senate in 1946. He emerg-,

ed from obscurity in 1950 as a
sinister and threatening dema-
gogue, with anti-Communism
as his stock in trade.

Time magazine called him a
“demagogue.” The New York

“Post wrote that he was “a kind
of Political Murder Inc.” while
Look magazine wrote “Some
want to make him president

. Many, passionately! believe
he will be the savior of Amer-
ica.”

However, President Eisen-
hower’s banker brother, Ar-
thur, declared: “When I think
of McCarthy I automatically
think of Hitler,” and Franklin
Delano Roosevelt's widow,
Eleano}:, wrote: “McCarthy’s
methods, to me look like Hit-
ler’s,

Former British Prime Min-
ister Clement Attlee felt com-
pelled to say on the floor of
the House of Commons,
“Sometimes one wonders
which is the most powerful,
the President or Senator Mc-
Carthy.”

McCarthy was an_instru-
ment of ruthless, pro-fascist,
reactionary, anti-labor and
anti-socialist forces of Ameri-
can capitalism.

He also became its symbol.

In his first election Mc-
Carthy had the support of the
pro-fascist American Action
Inc., supported by Col. Mc-
Cormack, General Robert

»

Kerala seeks to nationalise plantations

DELHI

The Communist government
of the South Indian state of
Kerala is to recommend to the
Indian central government
that all foreign-owned planta-
tions in Kerala be nationaliz-
ed.

This ~ as announced here by
E. M. S. Namboodiripad, chief
minister of Kerala, addressing
his first press conference in
the capital since his election
victory.

Before the press conference
Namboodiripad held the first
of a number of talks with
Prime Minister Jawaharlal
Nehru.

Namboodiripad” added that
it would be left for the central
government to make the final
decision on nationalization,

Asked what steps his gov-
ernment proposed to take in
Case the central government
refused to nationalize planta-
tions, he said: “We will record
that they are “wrong.”

Nearly nine-tenths of the
people of Kerala are peasants,
the rest working in industry.
Between 75 to 80 percent of
agricultural holdings are less
than an acre.

Speaking at a_ reception
given in his honor by various
organisations in Delhi, Nam-
boodiripad urged all parties

to support Kerala’s demand
for more financial aid to carry
on development projects.

Kerala, he said, must have
industrial development. The
state lacked heavy industrics
and even the small-scale and
village industries it had were
badly organized. “It is in the
very interests of India’s unity
that Kerala’s need call for at-
tention,” he added.

Asked. whether. his experi-
ence in parliamentary democ-
racy convinced him that it was
the best system of government
for the world, Namboodiripad
said:

“Even without my one
month’s experience in parlia-

mentary government I would
say that the parliamentary
government was most suited
for any country.”

Answering questions on pos
sible differences between his
government and the central
government, Namboodiripad
said there was no question of
such differences yet since his
government had not yet for-
formally taken up any pro-
posal for reform or develop-
ment with the central govern-
ment.

If, and when such differenc-
es arose it could be settled
through arbitration as provid-
ed in the constitution, he add-
ed.

.Carthyism was the foreign and

latter an associate of Father
Coughlin. Among his closest
collaborators were the leaders
of the notorious China Lobby:
Alfred Kohlberg and Wm. J.
Goodwin.

Look magazine, in journal-
istic jargon, gave an insight
into the. varied influential
forces behind McCarthy when
it declared: a]

“The McCarthy set is @ ©
heady mixture of Texas mil-
lionaires and former corner
grocers; of Catholic prelates
and a campus beauty queen;

of market plungers and
solid industrialists. Platoons
of lawyers, investigators, ad-
visers, financial backers sur-.
round McCarthy.”

Clearly, McCarthyism was
a social phenomenon. It was
related to the war drive of
U.S. imperialism. It was @
necessary prerequisite of the
cold war. The source of Me-

domestic policies of the dom- —
inant sections of U.S. monop-
oly capital, whose main, instru-
ment was, and is the Fisen= :
hower administration. a

Yet, McCarthyism and the |
Eisenhower administration
were not one and the sam@
thing.

In fact, ‘one should always
remember that the cold war
policies of U.S. imperialism —
including the domestic pro- —
gram of loyalty pogroms, ré-
pressive laws, anti-Communist”
trials and imprisonment, etc,
w@re nurtured by the Truman
administration, long before
McCarthy made his initial ag
tacks in 1950.

McCarthy came on the scene
at the time of the ynpopular
Korean war) and played a use-
ful role for U.S. imperialism.
He built upon the foundations
of lies and slander already laid
in the three preceding years.

When the power of the s0-
cialist world and the Bandung
powers forced a retreat by U.S:
imperialism on the worl
scene, it was convenient for
the decisive sections of bif
business to push McCarthy
into the background.

He had begun to believe his
own propaganda and under-
took to challenge the Hisen-
hower “Cadillac” cabinet and
the U.S. army. This, combined | —
with a growing public mas$
movement against McCarthy-
ism, clipped his political wings:

However, the world must
never forget that the imprit
of McCarthyism is still pres-
ent in the U.S.. It has now bee®
incorporated into the numer-
ous anti - Communist, anti- -
labor and _  antiforeign-bor®
laws, as well as administrative
acts of the governnient. ;
“It is also found in the con-
tinued persecutions, investiga-
tions, imprisonments, and de-
portations of labor, Commun, —
ist, and liberal forces in the
U.S.

Until these are repealed the
malady of McCarthyism vie
not be removed.

MAY 24, 1957 — PACIFIC. TRIBUNE—PAGE 2