t © e
Prison helps stiffen
Your sense of values’

Screen wy;
msi Lo ie
Some len
Carthyite el

ee Dalton Trumbo — one of the famous “Hollywood Ten” —
pene) on a rare personal visit. While there he discussed
such topics as his life during the arch hysteria of the Mc-.

Bits 951 :
faith in th 0s, the fascist menace conjronting America today and his

a densed
Me NINA HIBBIN.
e

nd
Ax were are you going to,
V stray girl?” asked the friend-
going Fae in the dining car, “I’m
little 4 remy Daddy,” answered
itzi proudly, her piping
“old voice filling the

feet
Ole co
jaiy Mpartment, “and he’s in

Th
Tune was 1950, and Mitzi
ie ce father was doing time
ee €ral Penitentiary, Ash-
“i Speak His crime?—con-
mords, ° Congress; in other
Téfus t ‘ier ae
ae aa Submit to questions
eal agh trade union and politi-
lations put to him by the

Storio

us U

i n—Ameri ivi-
&s Committee rican Activi

Dalto
n Trumbo recently talked

0
Me abo
ut
atityicn bad old days of

« “There
Were ten ofus,” he said,
© less than the apostles.

» Was it? — an
geon, d only one

ot bad
Stoo} Di

«

I
*to a you good,” he explained,
Way a your career knocked
am ™ under your feet, If I'd
ho hin as I was, heaven knows
the po 8S would have turned out;
the fg of it—you know what I
feng a Challenge like this stif-

Ur sense of values,”

Desy;
te a his brilliant and un-
le a “ee alongside his col-
ton Bee months of inter-
in » he denies that guts had
& to do with it,

TOpat

«

T
“We ae Was no choice,” he said,
there @ What we did because
“OUrse lmply wasn’t any other
Possity of action, There was no
Out alternative,? Through-
foun; ad period of trials he
Sens, Peet able to maintain a
Paving eo by mentally with-

rom the whole thing,

“We
tempt peer charged with con-
ve ble he said, “and of course
Werg ag ‘not guilty,” But we
UNbe fee emptious of the whole
ound able proceedings: and so
TY sej¢ Myself able to withdraw
from them,”

Hees
of he mitated the solemn tones
Was Judge who had said that he
@ aa Most arrogant and insol-
t hey to have appeared before
hisig. wcular court in its entire
‘ a ‘ Which was nonsense,”
ang oe because I was just quiet
there > e; I simply felt I wasn’t

Th
e ;
Ver * was a barbed edge, how-
as a 9 his “polite withdrawal,”
ai can learn from the late
(ate Kahn’s witty account of
Whic, seminary hearings, in
« —“"l he deseri

ae escribed Trumbo as a

able ring-tailed tiger.”

]
i ‘(leased from jail, the victim-
a found themselves con-
tive. With ablack-list as effec-
4S prison bars,

\ Like

ic Others among the black-
1 teq w

riters, Trumbo eventual-
Gi, through this period by
£ under assumed names,

“A
Part from the money.” he

€ risi > ‘ : .
eee young generation in the Western world. Following ts a
on of Trumbo’s interview with British Daity Worker film

said, “it was a rather nice way
to work; the anonymity, you know,
There was an amusing guessing
game going on all the time, and
people often ascribed myname to
good films I had nothing to do
with, while the ones I actually
wrote—and some of them not too
good—often got overlooked,”

The records, however, tell a
slightly different story, In 1957,a
certain Robert Rich won the
Academy Award for the screen-
play of “The Brave One.”

There was a lot of embarrass~
ment when it was discovered that
not only was Robert Rich not
present, but also that noboby had
ever met him, It isnow generally
known that “Robert Rich” was just
another of Dalton Trumbo’s in-
numerable pen-names,

Gradually, with the easing of
cold-war tensions, most of the
victimized Hollywood directors
and writers have been able to
re-emerge into the limelight.
T rumbo’s post-McCarthy films,
with full screenplay credits, in-
clude “Spartacus,” “texodus” and
“Lonely Are the Brave.”

I asked him if he now felt com-
pletely free. «1 always have felt
free,” he answered, “During the
1, we were the only really free

tria
Everyone else

people present.
was acting out of worry or fear,
or, which is much worse, not act-
ing at all because of doubtful-
cision, We had made
ur stand
ly. real

ness or inde
our decision and taken 0}
and so we had the on

freedom”

But the situation today, he
added, was different, with a gen-
erally progressive atmosphere
running right through Hollywood,
“A feeling for instance,” he ex-
plained, “that war is impossible
—not impossible to happen, I
mean, but impossible to contem=-

plate as a morally debatable
proposition.

“Besides,” he added, “before
there were only ten of us, Now
there are 19 million Americans
clamoring for their rights; so
many people demanding so much
that they’ve got tobe listened to.”

He was surprisingly optimistic
about the Senator Goldwater situ-
ation, “He’ll be overwhelmingly
knocked out,” he said, It was as
well, he thought, to have fascism
out in the open, So that people
knew what they were voting for
—or against,

For Dalton Trumbo, at any
rate, the wheel has now turned
full circle, At the London recep-
tion to announce the new Joseph
Levine- Paramount production
“will Adams,” the man who 15
years ago was subjected to every
sort of name calling under the
sun was introduced to the press
as “the script-writing genius!”

(To put things in proportion,
though, I should add that he was
sitting alongside “that producer
of genius Joe Levine” and “the
acting genius Peter O’Toole,”)

The new film will bring his
total number of scripts up to 63,
of which he reckons, with his
rather shrewd and unaffected sort
of modesty, only four or five have
made really good films.

The one he seems to have en-
joyed working on most was
“Lonely Are the Brave,” One can
sense that its symbolism—the
solitary cowboy on horseback,
quietly cutting through the
parbed-wire fence with the “No
Entry” sign on it — expresses
something very close to his heart,

“As long as there is somebody
to pull down fences and to rebel
against authority,” he said, “the
future is assured,”

It is this sort of sprit which he
admires so much about our young
people in Britain today, “They
are tearing down one false idea
after another,” he said, “and are
giving a lead to the world,” And
it is this sort of thing, too, that
he was obviously thinking about
as we exchanged our final

“cheerios,”

“still,” he chuckled, “it’s all a
lot of fun, isn’t it?”

Dalton Trumbo

president, in turn, authorized the U.S. ambass j
2 , [ S. ador in L
Charles Francis Adams, to draft an equally genial reply to eee

September 28 marks the 100th anniver: , i
the First International. Marxists at that ‘Bnie: ae Med of
thusiastic supporters of the Union cause in the U.S. Civil We anil
of President Abraham Lincoln. When Lincoln was je elesged t ,
second term in Nov., 1864, Karl Marx himself sent a warm con, sd
ulatory message to the president on behalf of the Tideriational ihe

national. Both pieces of correspondence follow.

Marx’ message

To Abraham Lincoln,
cee of the United States of America
ir: :
e congratulate the American people upon your re-election
by a large majority, If resistance to the Slave Power w
the reserved watchword of your first election, the triumph =
war cry of your re-election is Death to Siavenr ter

From the commencement of the titani i

anic American strife
the workingmen of Europe felt instinctively that The Star-
Spangled Banner carried the destiny of their class, The contest
of the territories which opened the dire epopee, was it not to
ea whether the virgin soil of immense tracts should be
wedded to the labor of the emigrant or prostit

ut
of the slave driver? é si a ae:

When an oligarchy of 300,000 slaveholders dared to inscribe
for the first time in the annals of the world “slavery” on the
banner of armed revolt, when on the very spots where hardly
a century ago the idea of one great democratic republic had
first sprung up, whence the first Declaration of the Rights of
Man was issued, and the first impulse given to the European
revolution of the eighteenth century; when on those ‘very spots
counter revolution, with systematic thoroughness, gloried in
rescinding “the ideas entertained at the time of the formation
of the old constitution,” and maintained“slavery to be a benefi-
cent institution,” indeed, the only solution of the great problem
of the “relation of capital to labor,” and cynically proclaimed
property in man “the cornerstone of the new edifice”—then the
working classes of Europe understood at once, even before
the fanatic partisanship of the upper classes for the Confeder-
ate gentry had given its dismal warning, that the slaveholders’
rebellion was to sound the tocsin for a general holy crusade
of property against labor, and that for the men of labor, with
their hopes for the future, even their past conquests Perk at
stake in that tremendous conflict on the other side of the
Atlantic, Everywhere, therefore, they bore patiently the hard-
ships imposed upon them by the cotton crisis, opposed enthusi-
astically the pro-slavery intervention—importunities of their
betters—and, from most parts of Europe, contributed their
quota of blood to the good cause,

While the workingmen, the true political power of the North
allowed slavery to defile their own republic, while before the
Negro, mastered and sold without his concurrence, they at
it the highest prerogative of the white-skinned labofer to sell
himself and choose his own master, they were unable to attain
the true freedom of labor, or to support their European
brethren in their struggle for emancipation; but this barrier
to progress has been swept off by the red sea of civil war

The workingmen of Europe feel sure tha i
War of Independence initiated a new era of Seni er ake
middle class, so the American anti-slavery war will do i
the working classes, They consider it an earnest of the epoch
to come that it fell to the lot of Abraham Lincoln, the a le-
minded son of the working class, -to lead the county con h
the matchless struggle for the rescue of an enchained ra :
the reconstruction of a social world, See

Presidential reply

Legation of the United States
London, Jan. 31, 1865

am directed to inform you that the address of the Central

ie ey of your association, which was duly transmitted
rough this legation to the President of the Uni

been received by him. ag Rik

ee So far as the sentiments expressed byitare personal, they
are accepted by him with a sincere and anxious desire that
he may be able to prove himself not unworthy of the confidence
ee been recently extended to him byhis fellow citizens
anc y so many of the friends of humanit :
throughout the world. Seon a

The Government of the United States has a clear con
sciousness that its policy neither is nor could be reactiona :
but at the same time it adheres to the course which it ad a
at the beginning, of abstaining everywhere from propa: ef ;
and unlawful intervention. It strives to do equal BA Beat
justice to all states and to «}! men i i

beneficial results of that effort for Tk panda ae
respect and good will throughout the world, s

Nations do not exist for themselves alone, but to promote
the welfare and happiness of mankind by Seaniaicer intercourse
and example, It is in this relation thatthe United States repard
their cause in the present conflict “vith slavecy-maintainin
unsurgents as the cause of human nature, and they Acne
os EDCOU AES NELY to persevere from the testimony of the
working:nen of Europe that the national attitude is favored
with their enlightened approval and earnest sympathies,

—From the book ‘And Wh " v
Aptheker. y Not Every Man?” by Dr. Herbert

September 25, 1964—PACIFIC TRIBUNE—Page 9