By Victor Perlo . Woodcock and other leaders of the United Automobile Workers (UAW) have not associated themselves with the extreme cold-war anti-Soviet positions of the ultra-Rightists in charge of the AFL- CIO. And they have had some small con- tacts with socialist-country trade unions. Moreover, in the past they have taken pos- itions mildly in favor of East-West trade. Thus, with the process of detente under- way and more and more U.S. workers benefitting from trade with socialist coun- tries, one might expect some reflection of this in the UAW convention held in June. So I examined with particular interest the relevant sections of the resolutions adopted. The document I have is the re- port No. 1 of the Resolutions Committee, and there may have been minor changes from the floor, but little of substance. A major resolution sharply critical of the multinational corporations, with a series of proposals to reduce their inter- national monopoly power and plunder, strikes a hopeful note of international labor solidarity against a class enemy. However, the resolution on international labor soli- darity has a section on “‘Workers in Com- munist Countries,’ which belies this prom- ise and echoes the modernized version of cold war anti-Communist and anti-Soviet slanders. It charges ‘‘the suspension of basic trade union rights in these countries.” This is a particularly outrageous allegation be- cause the trade unions in the USSR and other socialist countries have rights and Powers incomparably broader than those of trade unions in capitalist countries, es-_ pecially in the United States. What U.S. trade unions have a formal - veto on all discharges written into each shop’s contract? What U.S. trade unions have major or equal rights with management over the whole range of problems jealously guarded by U.S. corporate bosses under the title of “management prerogatives’’? When has the AFL-CIO had a represen- tative on the President’s Council of Eco- nomic Advisers, or the Federal Reserve Board, which determine wage and price policy? The All-Union Council of Trade Unions has formal membership on the State Committee on Wages and Prices, which decides the general tevel of wages and prices, the wage differentials for var- ious areas to allow for onerous conditions, the range of wages for skill classifications, etc. c Is their work successful? Why do not the UAW leaders inform their members ‘that there are no price increases in the USSR year after year, and that there are year after year average wage increases of 3% to 5%? When have the U.S. trade unions con- trolled the distribution of social security funds or the country’s network of major resorts, theaters, sports facilities, housing supply. etc? What UAW locals have under their control such benefits as a supply of housing for issuance to workers needing ae cut-rate vacation tickets, summer camps for all the workers’ kids. and so on? What U.S. trade union locals have the _ right to insist on the discharge of unsatis- tactory plant managers? Soviet trade-union lucals have all of these advantages and, by the way. their leaders are not government appointed, as the UAW resolution implies. but freely elected by the workers. P Vacs sentence in the resolution — “no amount of political double-talk will resolve the workers’ common grievances” — implies there is no grievance machinery. Not only is there such provision in the USSR. but when the various steps of media- tion have been exhausted. if no agreement is reached the union has the last word. The UAW officers deny any difference _ between Socialism and capitalism in labor _ /management relations: “We categorical- Answering the UAW! = on - Soviet trade unions ly state that there is always a wide band of disagreement between management and labor, beginning at the shop level.’’ But this is a complete cover-up of the differences which do exist: In the USSR the majority of “‘management”’ started as or- dinary blue or white collar workers and are the children of workers. Or else they were trained as engineers or economists. None of them inherited a position of control through ownership of corporate shares. They do not reside in exclusive sections of town, but live in the same apartment de- velopments as the workers. Their political - outlook on broad issues is the same as that of the masses of workers. Certainly, there are disagreements, but decisively milder than under capitalism. And there is no such irreconcilable conflict as here, where management’s main drive is for profits, which can only be maximized at the workers’ expense. The resolution goes on: ‘Now that multinational corporations have started . to invest in Eastern European plants, we are concerned with conditions of employ- ment in such plants.” There are no U.S. investments in any plant in socialist ‘countries, except some minority non-controlling investments in Yugoslavia. * The UAW officers do not stop with ex- pressing ‘‘concern’’ about labor conditions in Soviet plants. They ask that U.S.-owned multinationals be required to report to US. authorities on labor/management condi- tions in their enterprises in socialist coun- tries. This is sheer hypocrisy, because, as ei The UE delegation in Moscow | Their reply is worth passing on. U.S. unionists in the USSR Ernest DeMaio, President, District 11, United’ Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers of America, was a member of a UE delegation to the Soviet Union in No- vember 1972. The purpose of the trip was to establish relations with the Soviet electrical and power workers union and to sound out prospects for trade that would provide employment to the industry's workers. We reprint excerpts from the article written about that visit by DeMaio for ‘New World Review’ (Second Quarter, 1973). ~. Prior to my election as a delegate, a district leader asked me, ‘Are there un- ions in the Soviet Union, and if so, why don’t they strike?” | replied affirmatively on the first part of the question, but on the second part, | replied | wasn’t sure, and if elected | would inquire. This question was put to our trade union hosts in the USSR. There is a-big difference, we were told, between the conditions that prevail in your country and ours. Here, the spokesman said, the unions are powerful instru- ments controlled by the workers to protect and promote their interests. When a grievance arises in a Soviet plant, the union has the final say on its disposition. Plant managers in the Soviet Union are appointed for two years. If the union is dis- pleased with a manager and passes a motion of no confidence in him his contract cannot be renewed. He must go. Plant managers, therefore, have an interest in liv- ing up to the terms and conditions of the union contract and labor code. » ...While the living standards of those of the average American worker . . better off than their U.S. counterparts. Wa there is no inflation. Prices are the same thr not been raised in over a quarter of a centu cuts, as goods become more plentiful . . . Rent is very low, held down by law to 5% of monthly earnings, and there is no mortgage debt. . . Every factory had a medical clinic staffed by a doctor and nurses. Health care on the job was preventive, diagnostic and attentive to minor injuries and ail- ments. More serious cases were referred to hospitals, sanatoria or specialists. Safety: is controlled by the union, with the power to shut down jobs, operations or plants until the conditions are made as safe as the state can make them. Safety inspectors “are paid by the state but are appointed by and responsible to the union. -.. The Soviet workers, apparently, ience and environment. They appear to Their lives and pursuits suggest a set of world but in the process are reshaping the -.. They are proud of their achievements in science, technology, culture and rising prosperity. They invite the world to come to their country, to see first-hand the progress they have made. They ask only that the truth be told about them. |! regard myself as having been fortunate to have been able to accept their invitation, to have seen them and their works. It is an experience no U.S. citizen can afford to the average Soviet worker are below . they are in tangible, meaningful ways es are rising, taxes are going down, and ughout the Soviet Union and they have ry. In fact, there have been many price are not alienated by their work exper- be in harmony with their lot and times. priorities that are not only changing the mselves as well. PACIFIC TRIBUNE—FRIDAY, AUGUST 23, 1974—PAGE 6 . tighter. there are no such plants, it is obvious communism. They don’t call for 5 ports from the multinationals.in Hong or South Africa, or South Korea, Mexican border zone, or other P where the conditions of superexpl0! are notorious — not to speak of U. plants in Western Europe and Japa from socialist countries. 3 Accurate reports by workers — tions about conditions in sovita would be the best political educa U.S. workers, and a stimulus to es against the U.S. corporations ing win conditions as good. There pe such reports by official delegations a few unions — the UE comes. and. from rank-and-file workers bol in the progressive press. But how at UAW getting information from rank-and-file members’ on-the-sp@ ty vations, rather than making an emp! ture of asking the multi-nationals port on it to U.S. government au! neither of which has any interes : seminating the truth about labo agement relations under socialism: . A, the resolution says abo geoning East-West trade is the the importation of Soviet goods United States and Canada. It SMP the handful of Belarus tractors 577, but does not mention the hun greater volume of International oa tractors, Caterpillar bulldozers U.S. equipment, made by thousam workers — members of the sold to the Soviet Union. - peen # The UAW traditionally has f porter of trade agreements, favored-nation treatment, of trade barriers, etc. But the not even mention the respons! United States to keep its comm” yj end trade discrimination agains countries. This would be of 8 oe age to UAW members in autos, 14 ment, aircraft, and other indy do they take a position on US: clique’s attempt to torpedo” ones economic agreements. By Be 90! distorted reference to the trac en they lend aid and comfort to °°” Jackson. Another resolution, on W% n coll has.a more positive section © govt with workers and ‘‘workers ope socialist countries, but only ? tac that since employers havé es should workers. And this posit! fs is wiped out, and more, by the dealin of the section of the resolution) adm! socialist countries. This ee nte istration line of ‘‘human de anti support for the “rights” of pe “dissidents” and for the U.S. — policy. of trying to obtain com capitalism.in exchange for trading with the U.S:,-red tensions, armaments, etc. And on disarmament, the fet blames the lack of progress on Kers flexibility.” It fails to tell at dis?! the persistent, flexible,) T4 es and the, ment initiatives of the USS ‘pts of ar most equally persistent alter imperialism to thwart these a on twist the ratchet of the armsT@°" sass jtellls The one decidedly’ positive Ite lations with socialist countri€> - 140 phasis on normalizing relations “oq ‘including travel and trade. De janie loss of sales to Argentine sub Bullen cause of Washington’s stu nks tha rankled so much in UAW 14 leaders felt it necessary ' ti-co ception to their general or nsi® propaganda. But why not appre and take a similar positive > socialist countries in genef sure much more rank-and-file pres? to be necessary to bring. this 4 ily as rank-and-file, and-espeC!#’ en cal, initiatives in develop : lations with workers in $ and trade union organizations.