ee eT | | Side es > iso. boca cha tetciaiain t ah Oe, tneiaeer il By CHARLES BOYLAN The bourgeois education establish- ment has found another champion in its war against the fledging democra- tic students’ movement in Canada. Northrup Frye, fresh from his “schol- arly” denunication of the “closed my- thology” of Marxist literary critcism (see his book The Modern Century) and the V. G. Vance essay in Horizons. Winter 1968 issue), charges head-long into open-battle with student power advocates at the University of Toron- to where Frye holds court in the Eng- lish department. Not ironically did Frye attack students in a speech deli- vered Sept. 17 to Canada’s elite educa- tional bureaucracy of school inspec- tors, superintendents and_ trustees then gathered in convention at the Royal York Hotel. Nor is_it unpredic- table that The Toronto Star, i.e., the very mass media which Frye wrist- slaps for encouraging a “cult of bump- tiousness,” would carry his speech in full page editorial article (Student pro- test . . . has shallow roots, Toronto Star, Sept. 19). ~ Frye begins his assault with the statement “students are instinctively docile.” By “instinctively” I presume he means after 12 years of careful screening and indoctrination (more often than not in overcrowded class- rooms run by poorly trained and over- worked school teachers) the elite of upper-working class ({i.e., non-im- migrant, organized workers) and mid- dle-class kids who finally make it to university are sufficiently conditioned in their reflexes that they don’t chal- lenge their environment whether in the class-room or in the total social - framework of state monopoly capital- ism. But even if that is what Frye means by “instinctively,” we cannot under- stand at all what he means by “docile.” Most Canadian students are youth (18-24 years old) and like youth every- where are the most active section of the population. A week ago at his own institution, for example, Frye would have seen several hundred white- frocked pharmacy freshmen being herded around by seniors past a men’s residence where several dozen resi- dent students rushed out with waste- PACIFIC TRIBUNE—OCTOBER 4, 1968—Page 6 buckets full of water to soak the in- itiates. Hardly a docile scene. At Brandon University in Manitoba where I spoke during their frosh orien- tation program, the freshmen delight- ed in wearing green-and-gold beanies made at the local insane asylum. The most unanimously subscribed to activity that week were the freshmen dances. Hundreds of farm-fresh youth gyrated to the blasts of an acid-rock band. These scenes are repeated across the country every September and point to the fact that students are far from being docile. It is just that their activ- ity and energy is diverted into mean- ingless student rituals which a matur- ing student leadership is now begin- ning to challenge for the first time in nearly two decades. And so while U.of T. pharmacy frosh were being castrated as human beings, a smaller -group of freshmen gathered at the “Student Council organized tent-city to discuss the phenomenon described by Jerry Farber in his article “Student as nigger.” To Frye, however, this new aspect of freshman activity contains a care- fully guised threat to “academic free- dom.” He argues that teachers worth their salt have always loved their stu- dents (as distinct I suppose from the “bad masters”) and have always been very vigilant against threats to acade- mic freedom.” Staff are confused, ac- cording to Frye, because they don’t suspect that “the threat to academic freedom might conceivably come from the student body itself.’’ He then cites Jerry Farber as an example of one of those who has_ subverted student thinking. What he doesn’t add is that Jerry Farber was an English teacher at U.C.L.A. (Berkeley) until- he was thrown out for attempting to introduce non - authoritarian, non - bureaucratic learning situations in his class room. Most likely Farber’s colleagues in the UCLA (Berkeley) English department hadn’t read Frye’s comment that teachers worth their salt fight en- croachments. against academic free- dom. Most likely these professors joined the overwhelming majority of professors in North America to pro- tect their privileged position in the university by expelling one of their ¥ “err ee — Canada there are a dozen examples of such encroachments on academic free- dom from Jim Harding in Saskatche- wan to Prof. Kenneth Bernstein at Simon Fraser. I can remember well the near hysteria when I wrote an article for the student paper at UBC denounc- ing the exploitation of teaching as- sistants in the English Department and of a class of graduate students dressed down by the department head for re- belling against a particularly obnoxious academic bureaucrat’s insistance that students should memorize reams of bibliographical bumpff. Frye’s assess- ment of his colleagues is highly over- rated. The system of rigid mechanical instruction (often 500 students to a class) sterilized regurgitation of lec- ture notes on examinations, a sweaty, miserable and generally meaningless ritual in itself, is characteristic of all major universities in Canada today. Frye’s wisecrack that this process “still does not prevent the student from thinking for himself, even about his lecture notes” is a flat contradic- tion to the bourgeois demand itself for more integrated, competent intel- lectual workers. After all that is what the famous Hall-Dennis report in Ont- ario is about. < But Frye goes on to denounce him- self when he says, having debunked students’ grievances about education, that the movement is an important one. An insignificant important move- ment I guess he thinks. He claims the movement is “anar- chist rather than Communist,” that it challenges the “work ethic” which is accepted, according to our Marxist au- thority, by the Old Left. The cause of this anarchism, Frye continues, is that “we (note his identification with the process) had also been making, uncon- sciously, a proletariat out of the stu- dent body.” Is Frye then a proponent of student syndicalism, of students as productive ~ workers, as is argued by leaders of the Union General des Etudient du Quebec? No. To Frye, “A proletariat in the Marxist sense, is a group of peo- ple excluded from the benefits of so- ciety, to which their efforts entitle them.’”” So much for Frye’s gobblede- number who tried rocking the boat. In ~~ gook understanding of Marxism. Eve a first year political science student knows the proletariat is a social class created by the capitalist mode of pr0- duction whereby the proletariat sells his only commodity, i.e. his labor power or ability to work, and the bour- geoisie then proceeds to sell “his commodities and distribute the surplus value of modern production throug - profits, rent and interest, with the largest chunk, not surprisingly, going toward the maintenance of the priv ileges and power of the bourgeoisié itself. That’s the name of the game and if Frye wants to play by the rules he might read Lenin’s State and Revolu- tion if he wants to find a Marxist cate gory in which to place students. OP- pression does not define the class ° proletariat. Their relation to large scale production does. Hence students are not proletarian. But this does not mean students are not exploited. “Only the proletariat—by virtue of the econ- omic role it plays in large-scale pro- duction—is capable of being leader of all the working and exploited people, whom the bourgeoisie exploits, Op- presses, and crushes often not less, but more than it does the proletariat, but who are incapable of waging an inde- pendent struggle for their emancipa- tion.” (Lenin, State and Revolution.) Now Frye may have a point when he claims “the movement of student protest has rather shallow roots” if he interprets the student movement developing in Canada as one which can be satisfied by token participation on university committees. In fact, however, the Canadian Union of Students has located the stu- dent movement within a very pro- foundly political context with roots that extend into the very past and future of the two nations existing in Canada. CUS speaks of a continental system of monopoly capitalism whose educational task is to prepare skilled man-power in Ontario and Quebec and pacify the peripheral, raw-material zones (the West and Maritimes) with liberal-arts, teacher-training institu- tions. Furthermore CUS traces the long-standing Anglo-Saxon capitalist exploitation of the nation of French- Canada as cause for the fragmented