Epic battle against Section 98 History never repeats itself exactly, but the drive to suppress the workers and their struggles is never given up by the monopolists— nor is the fight-back of the people. In a fury reminiscent of the October 1970 onslaught on Quebec by the Liberal governments of Quebec and Ottawa, in 1931 the Conservative governments of Ontario and Ottawa tried to stamp out by "'the iron heel of ruth- lessness"’ the movement of the workin people, headed by the Communist Party, to prevent the unloa ing of miseries of eco- nomic crisis in the Hungry Thirties on the bac s of the people. While at that time they did not think of posing the lie of "'appre- hended insurrection," they used every other device under the no- torious Section 98 of the Criminal Code (similar permanent repres- sive legislation is now being cooked up in Ottawa) to “throw the book" at the workers and their revolutionary party. The account on these pages of how that attack was met and de- feated by the Communists, workers and democratic Canadians gen- erally is, taken from the book "All My Life" by the late Rev. A. E. Smith who played an important part in that struggle. _ (Limited copies of “All My Life" are available at Progress Books.) VUUULUUUVEUUEAUEAEOUEOUEAEOERUEAUAGUNSEQTELQOCUAEOOUAUEAUELUAUEAUOGUOUEAUOOUOUEOEEOUAUOGUOOUOUELEOUEOUEGUOUEATOONOLEL In 1931 the class struggle was staged in the courts of law right across the Dominion. At the head of the list came Tim Buck and his seven colleagues, scientific socialists who stood forth in Toronto charged under Section 98 of the Criminal Code. Premier Richard Bedford Bennett, K.C., was a corporation lawyer. He had long been a member of the “invisible government.” He was now the visible government. He was a multi-million- aire, owner of the Eddy Match Com- pany. He was an overweaning egoist, of meager culture and of orthodox religion. He introduced himself into the Office of Premier as the domineering boss. The federal parliament had just con- cluded its first long session under his premiership. Unemployment was the main issue. Bennett was sending the unemployed to “labor camps” at an allowance of 20 cents a day. The Tory Henry government was in power in Ontario. Attorney-General Price was in cahoots with Bennett. Confronted with the social and economic crisis of -capi- talism, these men decided to resort to methods of suppression by force. They beheld in the Communist Party the chief obstacle to their design. They decreed that the Communist Party should be wiped out of existence. It was a large order. How they hated the Communists! I quote the words of an editorial which appeared in the Mail and Em pire, August’ 12, 1931:“Assisted by Hon. Hugh Guthrie, Minister of Justice, Colonel Price struck at the very heart of the Communist Party. Nine raids, all timed simultaneously for seven o’clock, began a campaign to prove in the courts that the Communist Party of Canada is an unlawful organization. Massing his forces on three fronts, At- torney-General Price last night launch- ed an offensive designed to wipe out of existence the Communist Party of Canada.” On Monday, Nov. 2, 1931, eight men of the political leadership of the Com- munist Party of Canada came up for trial. They were: Tim Buck, John Boy- chuk, Tom Cacic, Tom McEwen, Sam Carr, Tom Hill, M. Bruce and Matthew Popovich. The issue was never more clearly joined. The courts were never more definitely employed as an agency of capitalist dictatorship. The deepening class struggle of the workers for eco- nomic freedom was never more speci- fically associated with the leaders of PACIFIC TRIBUNE—FRIDAY, MAY 28, 1971—PAGE 6 communism. The hearing lasted for eight days and when they ceased the conflict was not closed. With fitting ceremony and suppress- ed excitement, the court opened in the morning. Justice Wright presided. I sat with lawyers at the counsel table as the representative of the Canadian Labor Defense League (CLDL). The trial opened in a practically “closed court.” The police guard sur- rounding the City Hall excluded the many hundreds of citizens who came seeking entrance. Defense Counsel Hugh J. MacDonald fired the first shot. He presented a motion to the court to quash the in- dictment. It was a “bad indictment.” No specific acts done by the accused were cited. There was no bill of parti- culars dealing with each accused. He put up a strong argument, but his mo- tion was refused. The weakest spot in the big trial was the jury. I kept a close watch on those 12 men all through the proceed- ings. There were times when some of the faces registered a total blank. I was informed reliably that careful re- search on the personnel of the jury panel was carried out by the police for weeks before the -trial. Many of the prospective jurymen were visited to find out their attitude towards the left- wing labor movement. It was a stand- pat, police-selected jury. Crown Counsel Norman Somerville, K.C., made — his opening address on Tuesday. He told the jury that he _ intended to prove that the accused men were members of the Communist Party of Canada and that they were parties to a “seditious conspiracy.” In this amazing conspiracy were involved “ad- vocacy of a constant struggle between . the proletariat and the bourgeoisie” and “the abolition of all debts of the farmers.” The other feature of the second morning was the reading of the _ “charges” by the clerk. Never before had such a document been presented in court. Deep and awful was the silence which fell upon the court. At the call of their names the eight ._men stood erect. “You are charged,” began the clerk in solemn tones—and then— just then—the clock in the City Hall tower began the stroke of twelve. “Bing-bong,” rang the clock. “Over- throw the government,” piped the clerk. “Bing-bonging,” rang the clock. “Force and violence,” chanted the clerk. “Bonged-binged,” pealed the clock. “An illegal organization,” exclaimed the How the ‘iron heel" was smashed in 30's robed clerk. It was a rude interruption the clock had made. All who were there will remember. _In this vague array of charges the Crown was actually saying simply that Tim Buck and his colleagues had ‘‘dan- gerous thoughts.” In the allegations made against them, there was no charge of a single act of violence against the government, nor of having advocated or attempted its forcible overthrow. There could be no such charges! - The indictment was based on expres- sions of opinion quoted from pamph- lets, papers and books. The content of these quotations was in the nature of a prediction of the course that events in history would follow as the mount- ing revolutionary determination to be free would take possession of the working class of one country after another, and would be met by the re- sistance of the ruling class with “force and violence.” On_ this basis, these eight Communist leaders were being held up as “men of violence” and “mali- cious plotters.” Tim Buck made his famous address to the jury on Nov. 10. It was 10 minutes to four o’clock in the after- noon when Judge Wright, without any previous warning, called on Tim to give this important address. Tim spoke, with meager preparation, until seven p.m. He made the courtroom his tri- bune. This accused Communist stood in the perfunctory capitalist court and turned -the charges against the prosecution. Tim Buck presented the truths of com- munism against the lies of capitalism. Here is a series of quotations revealing the high points of his speech to the jury: The Communists disdain to conceal their aims. We are on trial charged with advocating something which we have not advocated. The use of force and violence is the chief method of rule of capitalism, All over this country force and violence are being employed by the ruling class. From 1925 to the Estevan strike, when three miners were shot to death, there has been violence. This trial is part of the method of capitalist force and violence. The firm basis of the Communist movements is to be found in the Com- MIT The “SEDITION” of A. E. SMITH te “I stand before you indicted for Sedition because I undertook, and have undertaken, and will continoe to undertake to press and press insistently for an Open, penetrating, reliable investigation into the situ- ation in the penitentiary in Kingston, where an attempt was made to shoot Tim Buck in cold blood!” munist Manifesto of 83 years ‘Manifesto is today a world d It is no longer to be regarded a5 clusive possession of the Comm it belong to the world working The Communist movement is tional because the problems in the class struggle are the every nation. The slogan is “Workers of the World Uni have nothing to lose but your You have a world to gain!” Imperialism has developed requisites for socialism. The © workers become Commi party grows out of the s We are arriving at the perio? historic ending of capitalism. ™ sent system of society Gentlemen: Revolutions arise conditions. Communism has ho in the masses of the people eventually build it. : a I hope this attempt at sup our party will only increase the 1s tion of the need for work mil B Jj ganization. If it does, it vil served a good purpose, and raised communism from a street Td | discussion to a question f0f Pog consideration and discussion 4 © il it is and how it is to be bro Thus spoke Tim Buck. a | One hundred and three exhio de produced in the trial. Thes¢ as the works of such writers I etl Marx, Frederick Engels, Vv. ict Joseph: Stalin and others Ww trine © : quoted to “prove” the doc = “force and violence.” _ ties But, great as these author! cro : it was not on these that the oe case rested. A “surprise wie day heralded to appear on the thi aA -the trial. He was proclaimeé eo expert. His name was John man sergeant of the RCMP. This in AA his appearance in court clad Bs ing red coat, blue bagged tro act a wide yellow stripe do ant Oy and carrying a big hat and-¢ ay of stature, he bobbed his wat tt witness box and took 4 ? ofS oath. He was the sole “here. idutl il | 98. We all knew this ind {hi was no surprise to the arene yi often seen him in the prints W if) Worker, tying up bundles ad pee him as Jack Esselwein. He rn be! the party as a painter, 4 ved ey tten yt at) in | Wa f the painter’s union. He 4 vy: ings and social affairs. He W from the Communist Partly ih having been exposed as a SPY" at AL Standing in the witness }® the Crown’s star witness ae ce By unhappy men. He wiped pea no and again, although there He o) cess of heat in the room. 9 mo glass after glass of wale at (he od his aching throat. He gaze, colly ing. He watched the clock. pier: Boyett the bulbs in the huge chandell®”’ never looked at Tim oF cate yl others. He did not want en mal eyes. For seven years he “Hey acted as a deceiver and 4 Bi vt ity has always regarded the od lowest of the low. This s e a of the basic testimony 9 vor jf against the leaders of the bbe 4 His testimony was, in 4 g st ridiculous sense — note i of what might be called Ree evide® #) § was not one jot or tittle of pete any act or deed of any S® ted 7 by the accused men subm! if court. ae eae In his charge to the july 5S ath BSFSLAER EEE referred to this “star” wie pt “Here the evidence worn inetd indicate, if you accept 7 peg Communist Party divides © jy a “ft Canada into two classes - ° just Py cratic country... is it 4) 7 ao $9 SS. i SL and lawful thing to set classes against the one om ahh The trial of the el8)” ute gf EL, ee leaders took its point of deP i if the infamous Section 98, in ig hi legal monstrosity “concel istic lids im shapen in iniquity.” S@ ly this te had waited 12 years to PP.” ihe : s. “ rical Tories of 1919. AMY o¢ wth indignation of the mass i against their vile metho om ilk carried through he pasa! frame-up of the Communl> the “evidence” of sneering ee