WORLD CPSU Central Committee meeting Reorganization depends on people’s involvement By VALERY NEYEV Political Analyst MOSCOW (APN) — People and their involvement are key to the current social and economic processes — hailed as revolu- tionary — now going on in the Soviet Union. A corollary of this is putting the right people with the right ideas in the right places. It is with this aim in mind that the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union discussed the question of reorganization and the Party’s personnel policy at its Jan. 27-28 plenary meeting. It seems, judging from Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev’s re- port and subsequent discussion, that reorganization has been far more difficult than initially con- templated. Many of the prob- lems stem from the burden of mistakes that caused Soviet soc- iety to stagnate in the 1970s and early 1980s. In a frank analysis of the reasons for these mistakes, Gorbachev admitted — that primarily because of subjective factors, the Central Committee and Soviet leadership of the time were unable to assess the need | for change, to discern the crisis - warnings growing in society, and to work out a clear and pre- cise policy to overcome them. The consequences of this period of stagnation for the cur- rent reorganization drive are what Gorbachev called a “braking mechanism,”’ inertia, and the attempt to waive any- thing not conforming to habitual patterns. These phenomena have not yet been totally eliminated. As was pointed out, certain people in the economic sphere are still trying to use administrative methods to the detriment of economic methods. Why they continue to do so is evident. First, reorganization threatens to strip the mediocre of their responsible posts. Second, others realize that in using eco- nomic methods, they will have to stop commanding (and there is no questioning a com- mander’s authority) and start managing, which they find dif- ficult. It means they will have to listen to and act according to the interests of their subordinates. This demands competence, which many of the people in question lack. : In addition, many of those in top economic posts are hide- bound conservatives, who con- ceal their backwardness behind the ‘‘theory’’ that economic in- centives — on any plane — are incompatible with socialism. These same people, however, are the most apt to employ bureaucratic measures and red tape to their own advantage. However, this resistance to change can be overcome by the will of the people, along with de- termined Party support. A major problem here is that the rank- and-file, including workers and engineers, is itself to some ex- tent also hesitant about reorgan- ization. It has to be said that the con- servative economic mechanism has created a situation where many employees — from shop-floor workers to engineer- ing and scientific personnel — derive much of their remunera- tion not for the end results of their labour, but from their posi- tion, the number of hours spent on the job, the extent to which the plan is met, etc. They feel that the present system is quite okay. However, the numter of people who ardently want change, and want equally to be part of it, is growing by leaps and bounds. This includes compe- tent and thoughtful | political leaders, many in top economic posts, and many in the arts and sciences. It also includes the overwhelming majority of the working class, farmers and skil- led technical and scientific personnel. They want a better life for themselves and their families. A new guarantee of openess and of opinion. So that their activity has the decisive impact on society, socialist democracy has to be extended. This was the point made at the Central Committee plenum: ‘‘There is need for a maximum of democracy under which people feel they are mas- ters and can work creatively.” Democratization is firmly tied with the renewal of personnel, especially in the Communist Party. This dictates the task of injecting ‘‘some fresh blood into its leadership’’ to replace those who were unable to rise to the challenge of the new necessities. Also raised at the plenum was the question of giving Commu- nist Party members full scope to express their preferences in the election of Party leaders. In this connection, Gor- bachev proposed that Party secretaries, beginning with those of the district committees and proceeding right up to the Central Committees of the Communist Parties of the Union Republics, be elected by secret ballot. ' “‘Further democratization,’’: he said, “‘should also extend to the forming of the Party’s Cent- ral leading bodies.”’ Equally on the theme of democratization, the plenary meeting also heard and discuss- ed other radical ideas. One is that all people of responsibility in economic positions, from shop foreman to plant or works director, be elected. There is precedent for this, based on successful pilot projects in sev- eral areas. The Soviet electoral system also requires basic improve- ments. One idea that Gorbachev proposed is that voters in munic- ipal election and even in elec- tions to the Supreme Soviet (parliament) be allowed to ex- press their attitude to and pre- ference for a larger number of candidates who would run perhaps in large, multi-member constituencies. There are also to be new laws. One of these is the law on the state enterprise, whose purpose will be to define and regulate new forms of self-government resulting from the active parti- cipation of the people. A second proposed law will, on the basis of the Constitution, guarantee each person the openness and possibility to express his or her opinion on any question perti- nent to the country’s life. A third law will stipulate the way in which wrongful actions by officials that violate people’s rights can be redressed in courts of law. Naturally, the Central Com- mittee meeting is the number one event in Soviet life, and everyone is discussing what was said and what went on there. Ivan Boldyrev, first secretary of the Stavropol Party Committee, believes the plenum has given a clue to correcting some of the