: The nationalist countries which have recently won
political independence are still confronted with the
‘arduous tasks of consolidating it, liquidating the forces
of imperialism. and domestic reaction, carrying out
agrarian and other social reforms and developing their
national economy and culture. It is of practical and
vital importance for these countries to guard and fight
: against the neo-colonialist policies which the old colo-
nialists adopt to preserve their interests, and especially
~~ the neo-colonialism of U.S. imperialism. :

; In some of these countries, the patriotic national
bourgeoisie continue to stand with the masses in the
struggle against imperialism and colonialism and _ in-
troduce certain measures of social progress. This re-
quires the proletarian party to make a full appraisal
of the progressive role of the patriotic national bour-
geoisie and strengthen unity with them.

As the internal social contradictions and the inter-
national. class struggle sharpen, the bourgeoisie, and
particularly the big bourgeoisie, in some newly inde-
pendent countries increasingly tend to become retain-
ers of imperialism and to pursue anti-popular, anti-
Communist and counter-revolutionary policies. It is
necessary for the proletarian party resolutely to op-
_ pose these reactionary policies.

Generally speaking, the bourgeoisie in these coun-
tries have a dual character. When a united front is
formed with the bourgeoisie, the policy of the prole-
tarian party should be one of both unity and struggle.
The policy should be to unite with the bourgeoisie, in
‘so far as they tend to be progressive, anti-imperialist
and anti-feudal, but to struggle against their reaction-
ary tendencies to compromise and collaborate with
imperialism and the forces of feudalism.

On the national question the world outlook of the
proletarian party is internationalism, and not nation-
-alism. In .the revolutionary struggle it supports pro-
gressive nationalism and opposes reactionary national-
ism. It must always draw a clear line of demarcation
between itself and bourgeois nationalism, to which it
- never fall captive.

The 1960 Statement says,

“Communists expose attempts by the reactionary
section of the bourgeoisie to represent its selfish, nar-
row class interests as those of the entire nation; they
expose the demagogic use by bourgeois politicians of
socialist slogans for the same purpose . . .”

If the proletariat becomes the tail of the landlords

victory in the national democratic revolution is pos-
sible, and even if victory of a kind is gained, it will
“oy sear a aie ;

the course of the revolutionary struggles of the
oppressed nations and peoples, the proletarian party
‘must put forward a program of its own which is
thoroughly against imperialism and domestic reaction
and for national independence and people’s democracy,
and it must work independently among the masses,
constantly expand the progressive forces, win over
the middle forces and isolate the reactionary forces;
only thus can it carry the national. democratic revolu-
through to the end and guide the revolution on
to the road of socialism.

ty te imperialist and the capitalist countries, the
proletarian revolution and the dictatorship of the pro-
letariat are essential for the thorough resolution of

ee

and bourgeoisie in the revolution, no real or thorough »

In the capitalist countries which U.S. imperialism
controls or is trying to control, the working class and
the people should direct their attacks mainly against
U.S. imperialism, but also against their own monopoly
capitalists and other reactionary forces who are betray-
ing the national interests.

Large-scale mass struggles in the capitalist countries
in recent years have shown that the working class and
working people are experiencing a new awakening.
Their struggles, which are dealing blows at monopoly
capital and reaction, have opened bright prospects for
the revolutionary cause in their own countries and are
also a powerful support for the revolutionary strug-
gles of the Asian, African and Latin American peoples
and for the countries of the socialist camp.

The proletarian parties in imperialist or capitalist
countries must maintain their own ideological, political
and organizational independence in leading revolution-
ary struggles. At the same time, they must unite all
the forces that can be united and build a broad united
front against monopoly capital and against the im-
perialist policies of aggression and war.

While actively leading immediate struggles, Com-
munists in the capitalist countries should link them
with the struggle for long-range and general interests,
educate the masses in a Marxist-Leninist revolutionary
spirit, ceaselessly raise their political consciousness
and undertake the historical task of the proletarian
revolution. If they fail to do so, if they regard the
immediate movement as everything, determine their
conduct from case to case, adapt themselves to the
events of the day and sacrifice the basic interests of
the proletariat, that is out-and-out social democracy.

Social democracy is a bourgeois ideological trend.
Lenin pointed out long ago that the social democratic
parties are political detachments of the bourgeoisie,
its agents in the working-class movement and its prin-
cipal social prop. Communists must at all times draw
a clear line of demarcation between themselves and
social democratic parties on the basic question of the
proletarian revolution and the dictatorship of the pro-
letariat and liquidate the ideological influence of social
democracy in the international working-class move-
ment and among the working people. Beyond any
shadow of doubt, Communists must win over the
masses under the influence of the social democratic
parties and must win over those Left and middle
elements in the social democratic parties who are
willing to oppose domestic monopoly capital and do-
mination by foreign imperialism, and must unite with.
them in extensive joint action in the day-to-day strug-
gle of the working-class movement and in the strug-
gle to defend world peace.

In order to lead the proletariat and working people
in revolution, Marxist-Leninist parties must master all
forms of struggle and be able to substitute one form
for another quickly as the conditions of struggle
change. The vanguard of the proletariat will remain
unconquerable in all circumstances only if it masters
all forms of struggle — peaceful and armed, open and
secret, legal and illegal, parliamentary struggle and
mass struggle, etc. It is wrong to refuse to use par-
liamentary and other legal forms of struggle when
they can and should be used. However, if a Marxist-
Leninist party falls into legalism or parliamentary
cretinism, confining the struggle within the limits per-
mitted by the bourgeoisie, this will inevitably lead to
renouncing the proletarian revolution and the dicta-
torship of the proletariat.

11

On the question of transition from capitalism to

socialism, the proletarian party must proceed from

the stand of class struggle and revolution and base
itself on the Marxist-Leninist teachings concerning the

proletarian revolution and the dictatorship of the pro--

letariat.

Communists would always prefer to bring about the
transition to socialism by peaceful means. But can

peaceful transition be made into a new worldwide

Strategic principle for the international Communist adhered to, the revolution is bound to triumph in

movement? Absolutely not.

and sacrifices.

Marxism-Leninism consistently holds that the funda
mental question in all revolutions is that of stat
power. The 1957 Declaration and the 1960 Statemen
both clearly point out, “Leninism teaches, and
perience confirms, that the ruling classes never relir
quish power voluntarily.” The old government ne
topples even in a period of crisis, unless it is push
This is a universal law of class struggle.

In specific historical conditions, Marx and Lenin dic
raise the possibility that revolution may develop peac
fully. But, as Lenin pointed out, the peaceful devel
ment of revolution is an opportunity “very seldom
be met with in the history of revolution.”

As a matter of fact, there is no historical preced
for peaceful transition from capitalism to socialism.

Certain persons say there was no precedent whe
Marx foretold that socialism would inevitably replace
capitalism. Then why can we not predict a peace
transition from capitalism to socialism despite th
absence of a precedent?

This parallel is absurd. Employing dialectical an
historical materialism, Marx analyzed the contra
tions of capitalism, discovered the objective laws
development of human society and arrived at a sci
tific conclusion, whereas the prophets who pin +
their hopes on “peaceful transition” proceed from hi
torical idealism, ignore the most fundamental contré
dictions of capitalism, repudiate the Marxist-Leni
teachings on class struggle, and arrive at a subjectiv
and groundless conclusion. How can people who rep
diate Marxism get any help from Marx?

It is plain to everyone that the capitalist count
are strengthening their state machinery — and esp
cially their military apparatus — the primary purpos
of which is to suppress the people in their own coul
tries.

The proletarian party must never base its thinkin!
its policies for revolution and its entire work on t
assumption that the imperialists and reactionaries
accept peaceful transformation. :

The proletarian party must prepare itself for
eventualities — while preparing for a peaceful de
lopment of the revolution, it must also fully prepa!
for a non-peaceful development. It should concentra
on the painstaking work of accumulating revolutiol
ary strength, so that it will be ready to seize victor
when the conditions for revolution are ripe or to st
powerful blows at the imperialists and the reactio!
aries when they launch surprise attacks and armed
assaults.

If it fails to make such preparations, the proletarié
party will paralyze the revolutionary will of the pr
letariat, disarm itself ideologically and sink into
totally passive state of unpreparedness both politica
and organizationally, and the result will be to b
the proletarian revolutionary cause. —

12

All social revolutions in the various stages of
history of mankind are historically inevitable and
governed by objective laws independent of man’s
Moreover, history shows that there never was a rev
tion which was able to achieve victory without zi

ot

With Marxist-Leninist theory as the basis, the t
of the proletarian party is to analyze the concrete
torical conditions, put forward the correct strat
and tactics, and guide the masses in bypassing hidde
reefs, avoiding unnecessary sacrifices and reaching
goal step by step. Is it possible to avoid sacrifices al
gether? Such is not the case with the slave rev
tions, the serf revolutions, the bourgeois revolutio
or the national revolutions; nor is it the case
proletarian revolutions. Even if the guiding line
the revolution is Correct, it is impossible to hav
sure guarantee against setbacks and sacrifices in
course of the revolution. So long as a correct line

end. To abandon revolution on the Rereee of ai