Recent rapid developments have placed China in the centre of the news. The
current visit of Chinese vice-premier Teng Tsiao-Ping to Washington following U.S.
diplomatic recognition, the China-Japan treaty signed last year and China’s pro-
vocative actions against Vietnam are but the latest moves in the development of

Chinese policy.

The Tribune interviewed William Kashtan, general secretary of the Communist
Party of Canada, who outlined the strategy behind these manoeuvres.

Q. What, if any, are the changes inter-
nally in China since the new leadership
replaced the ‘‘Gang of Four’’?

A: The changes are more Ma
Eo ceom has been pushed t woe the
essence of Maoism still remains, that is,
its anti-Soviet and anti-detente direction.
What has taken place in China in fact is
the elimination of some of the worst fea-
tures of Maoism without eliminating
Maoism as such. This means that the
heart of the Maoist policy of the militari-
zation of the economy, orientation on
war, the ‘‘Three Worlds” concept re-
mains as is and constitutes a great danger
to China and to world peace.
_ At the same time there have been some
proposals for changes by the present
leadership of the Party and the govern-
ment. And these are expressed in the
proposals for the ‘‘Four Moderni-
zations” internally. '

This means the modernizing of indus-
try, agriculture, technology and the
armed forces. No one can argue about
the necessity of modernizing industry
and agriculture and of overcoming the
disastrous consequences of the cultural
revolution which the Chinese leaders
themselves are now compelled to recog-
nize were serious mistakes which they
attribute to Mao as they attribute the
“great leap” to him. Together those are
what Teng Tsiao-Ping says are the 40%
mistakes Mao was guilty of.

No one can deny the need for moder-
nization of the economy and agriculture
because China still is a very backward
country in terms of its economic
development. The danger is that, under
the guise of the ** Four Modernizations"’,
the main direction of this policy is to
modernize the armed forces and to strive
to get the assistance of the imperialist
States and NATO to re-equip the armed
forces with the most ‘up-to- date
weapons.

This is being done around the line
which the Chinese leadership have been
spreading and working on — that is, the
“threat from the north” which reflects
the basically anti-Soviet, anti-
communist and anti-detente policy of the
Chinese leadership.

So there's a definite tie-in between

PACIFIC TRIBUNE—FEBRUARY 9, 1979—Page 4

China’s internal and external policy. You
can’t separate one from the other — they
are parts of one aim, one direction.

When one speaks of internal changes
in China, these are minor in relation to
what is basic — that is, the continuation
of a policy, and a rationale for that poli-
cy, based on China’s expansionist and
hegemonistic ambitions, and not only in
South East Asia.

aE RR I

Q. The most dramatic shift appears to
be in the foreign policy of China which,
while consistently hostile to the USSR, has
taken a more active turn. What do you feel
are the main reasons for this turn?

A: It is based on negotiations that
have been going on for some time be-
tween China, the United States and the
NATO powers directed to try to get their
support for the modernization program

and particularly its military re-equip-

ment, based on an anti-Soviet policy.

China hopes the imperialist powers
will be prepared to make extensive cre-
dits available and help in the moderniza-
tion of its armed forces with the most
up-to-date and advanced weapons, all to
be directed against the ‘‘threat from the
north’’.

Imperialism sees the Chinese anti-
Soviet line and Chinese expansionism
fitting in with its whole global strategy,
directed against the Soviet Union and the
world socialist system, against the world
forces of peace and progress. Im-
perialism is aiming to enmesh China in
this strategy, to make China a force sup-
porting its aims, most immediately in
Asia, as part of NATO or, as they say, as
the NATO of the East.

Secondly, as far as the imperialist
powers are concerned, their support for
this. modernization program is geared
also to the economic crisis in the
capitalist world. They see the Chinese
market as a vast market that perhaps
could overcome that crisis. And you can
see this by the way all of them are rushing
to China, hopefully looking to the
enormous amount of orders they can get.

The United. States, in fact, has now
tried to jump ahead of all the other im-
perialist powers, to circumvent them, to
push aside West Germany, Britain, Fr-
ance, ee and even EAS Canada in

order to establish a firm market inside
China at the expense of the others and at
the same time-enmesh China in the aims
of imperialist foreign policy. However
the euphoria around huge trade talks
with China will eventually evaporate just
like the euphoria around Camp David.

So you have two elements in the situa-
tion insofar as the imperialist powers are
concerned: they see China as an enorm-
ous market, but also a country with 900
million people, with enormous man-
power that could be used as a fist against
socialism to force concessions from the
Soviet Union and other socialist coun-
tries.

What are the concessions? — that.the
Soviet Union and other socialist coun-
tries would drop their support of the na-
tional liberation struggle; would ‘‘stop’’
the class struggle in the capitalist world,
would stop the process of social change
one can see in many parts of the world
today. It’s like King Canute trying to
stop the waters from coming in.

Insofar as the Chinese Maoists are
concerned they see their new relations
with the. NATO powers as a means of
overcoming their economic difficulties,

China has deserted the
socialist camp. It has
deserted the
anti-imperialist struggle
... the struggle against
colonialism. .. against
racism, as you see in
South Africa.

but primarily to modernize their army
and prepare for war. They believe they
can get the help of the imperialist powers
for the re-equipping of their armed forces
on such a basis. Peking is using the
American card for expanding the interna-
tional. united front struggle against
‘“‘hegemonism.””

These are the specific aims. But what
is actually being pushed foward is some
form of an alliance in Asia between the
United States, Japan arnd-China. While

each has its own contradicting aims,

U.S. imperialism hopes to use this al-
liance to influence events in the region
and to advance its interests.

I think it’s important here to point out
that these aims of imperialism show they
have learned nothing and forgotten no-

thing from history. It reminds one of.

what they did with Hitler fascism, in the
1930s when they allowed Germany to be
armed and when, together, they signed

the infamous Munich Pact with the idea

h

Hitler would turn against the USSR. The
world knows the consequences of that MR
policy.

This is what they are now trying to
replay with all the dangers and negative AQ
consequences to the cause of world ©
peace and to civilization itself:

To pursue that kind of policy, there-
fore, is extremely dangerous.

So there are very great dangers in the
present pattern of development and what aA
appears to be collusion and stimulation a
by the imperialist powers who see China —
as a means of accomplishing their slobal

4
strategy. !
4

®
g
*
'

Re LS RE ae -
Q. Don’t you think that China has paid a

high price in terms ofits prestige by openly © %
backing pro-Western and fascist regimes —
as it does in Chile and did in Angola
Cambodia and by attacking Vietnam? __

A: Yes. This is part of the price of its
alliance with imperialism. China has de-
serted the socialist camp. There. can bé ©
no question about this. Any illusions to ‘
the contrary by well- “meaning people are
not soundly based. 4

China has deserted the socialist camp. a
It has deserted the anti-imperialist strug-
gle. It has deserted the struggle against —
colonialism. It has deserted the struggle »
against racism, as you can see in South
Africa. |

China has now allied itself in one form
or another with imperialism. It pursues a
policy of cooperation and accom-
modation with the reactionary forces off
the world. This is why it supports:
Pinochet in Chile and every other
tionary force and now stands in the wa
of the national-liberation movement and
in fact acts as a point of support for i n-
perialism.

It shows the extent of Maoist leaded
ship has moved away from the principled
positions that made the Chinese revo
tion possible.

Q. Would you agree with those who s

’. that China has effectively moved from th e
category of a socialist country in terms o

its foreign policy at least? %

A: Yes, regarding its foreign policy.
One can also raise the question: when

» you pursue a certain type of policy which

is anti-working class, anti-socialist, then
this must inevitably undermine the inter-
nal situation in your own country. a
This, in fact, is the danger that con-
fronts China today — its alliance io
imperialism. Will anyone assume th:
imperialism is prepared to give enormous
credits to China because it like
socialism in as ge isnot the > Oa