UNITY ... AUTONOMY . . . DEMOCRACY ‘a Building T Statement issued April 7 by the Cent- ral Executive Committee of the Com- munist Party of Canada. The U.S.-controlled building trades unions issued a proclamation on March 26 over the signature of James McCam- bly executive secretary of the AFL-CIO Building and Construction Trades De- partment. In that proclamation they de- Canadian trade union centre. In plain simple terms this means to split the Canadian trade union movement into two parts and usher in a period of raiding and competition between labor. This takes place at a time when the need for unity in the ranks of the trade unions and entire labor movement is cru- cial, when monopoly is intensifying its attacks on all fronts against the living and social standards of working people. Contrary to efforts in the building sibility for the impending split on the Canadian Labor Congress, the responsi- bility rests squarely on the shoulders of the Washington-controlled Building Trades roadmen who run the Canadian she eae Trades set-up like some private club. In Saskatchewan the Saskatchewan Federation of Labor first proposed to keep the building trades in the SFL and Icoal labor councils. The CLC then threatened to lift the SFL charter if they did so. Following this a lengthy meeting took place between the SFL executive and Shirley Carr, vice-president of the CLC. At-this meeting the SFL called-on the CLC to back away from its present lcare their intention to establish a new _ trades proclamation to place the respon- ye # rades solution needs flexibility the CLC where the matter could be de- cided by the membership. The CLC countered with a threat to lift the charter if the SFL refused to comply with the order to exclude the buidling trades unions from ‘its federation and labor councils. The meeting was a stand-off. Dividing Labor The CLC has indicated that industrial locals which are chartered by the building-trades unions will not be al-. lowed to affiliate to the new building trades set-up proposed by the CLC. It is through such affiliation that construction locals would be able to find affiliation to the CLC, provincial labor federations and local labor councils. The only way non-construction locals of the building trades unions would be able to enter the CLC however, is by breaking with their present unions and affiliating directly to the CLC as CLC-chartered locals, or affiliating to another member union of the CLG: This is no small matter as some’of the building trades have a large industrial component. The International Brother- hood of Electrical Workers, for example, finds almost half its Canadian member- ship in this category. In response to this edict of the CLC, the Carpenters Union in British Colum- - bia, a ‘strong and long-time advocate of full Canadian autonomy for the building trades, has informed the CLC that its provincial Federation of Carpenters will move into the CLC as a body, industrial component and all, or stay outas.a body. It appears that the CLC is pursuing a legitimate aim in a somewhat dangerous, and what could turn out to be counter productive manner. One can understand the impatience and anger of the CLC leadership at the arrogance and intransigence of the build- ing trades leadership. However that must not allow for a situation where a wedge is driven into the unity of Canadian labor at such a crucial moment. Autonomy and Unity The Communist Party has fought for the autonomy of the Canadian labor movement, with a record second to none in that movement. It has, however, al- ways coupled the struggle for autonomy with the struggle for unity, fighting off those forces from the right, which denied the need for autonomy;. and the forces from some confused elements of the left, the right and the entire ultra-left, who chose the pursuit of autonomy through splitting and division. 4 We stay with this time-tested and es- sential principle in this current struggle and urge patience and flexibility in the -place of haste and confrontation. One cannot ignore the possibility of some industrial unions under right-wing leadership, utilizing the present difficult -period for raiding the industrial jurisdic- tions of the building trades in the.fac- tories, first of all where such industrial unions hold contracts, and building trades unions have jurisdiction for in- plant construction. — But an equal threat is the raiding of plants which are not totally organized by building trades unions. This would be calamitous for the entire labor move- ment. Be In our opinion the CLC would better serve its interests and therefore those of the entire labor movement by approach- ing the present situation in the following manner. Five Constructive Steps First: Step up the campaign being waged by the CLC calling on all building trades local unions to demand of their leadership that they pay up their back per capita and come back into the house of labor. No splits, no second centres. Second: Allow all building trades loc- als to remain affiliated to provincial fed- erations and local labor councils, who wish to do so. ; Third: Allow industrial components of the building trades as well as construc- tion locals to affiliate to the CLC’s new building trades set-up. Fourth: Leave the final resolution of the matter over until the CLC conven- tion in 1982, and pursue further negotia- tions with the building trades in the in- terim. The position of the CLC can be continually strengthened in these negoti- ations by the growing support won for its positions by all trade unions. Fifth: Issue a clear and unequivocal statement that no raiding of any building trades unions will be tolerated by the GLG: This kind of stance, together with a stepped up campaign by the CLC for Canadian autonomy for the building trades unions, and maintainance of the present democratic structure of the CLC against attempts. by the right wing to undermine its rank and file character, can win a victory for autonomy, unity and democracy. a and call a special convention of oy _ Fight is on for labor unity, autonomy - ated by the AFL-CIO building trades set-up, and hardly A peculiarity of the Canadian trade union movement is the influence and control exercised over its formation ae life by unions with their head-quarters in the United tates. ; This was not always necessarily a negative factor. When the great upsurge in organization of industrial workers took place in the United States in the thirties (over the objections of the American Federation of Labor dominated by the building trades unions) it gave rise to the Committee of Industrial Organization (CIO). This new movement, under the leadership of John L. a, struck out to organize the great industries in the _ Atthe same time, and together with progressive forces in Canada, this movement reached across the border and Played a major role in helping to organize industrial unions in our country. Many of these industries, such as auto plants, rubber, electrical and others, were part of U.S.-owned and operated multi-nationals. The Communist Party and the entire left were very active and often played an initiating role in these joint Organizing efforts. The assistance and strength given these efforts by our fellow workers in the U.S. were decisive factors in the establishment of the now great, United 2.3-million strong Canadian Labor Congress, and the other 1 million organized workers in Quebec and the test of Canada. ; _ The close unity between Canadian and U.S. workers in international unions often (not always) played a post- tive role in co-ordinating their actions against a common employer. But it did not provide Canadian workers with unions which could respond to Canada’s different needs . and join their political struggles with their economic Struggles. This left them to fight the boss with one arm. The struggle for Canadian autonomy became a major feature of the Canadian scene, the struggle for the ulti- mate establishment of a full independent, sovereign, and United Canadian trade union movement. Pursuing such an objective by-a process of trying to ‘break connections €-border,”’ through splits and open confrontations with parent bodies in the U.S. would have led to fratici- dal struggles between workers and: disunity in their ranks. Instead, the concept of autonomy, on the path to complete independence was developed by Canadian labor. The Communist Party and the left were the major protagonists of this path and have continued to champ- ion it to this day. Most Reactionary Sections The result of this process is that Canadian trade “unions have remained largely united in one centre, while the movement for autonomy and toward independence Labor in action William Stewart has been gradually going on in most major unions (albeit not fast or far enough). The one major exception is found in the building trades. These are the most reactionary sections of U.S. labor. For years they blocked the organization of U.S. industrial workers. They have continually supported the most right-wing U.S. governments and policies, in- cluding backing reactionary and fascist regimes in places like El Salvador. : The Canadian trade union movement, and the Cana- dian Labor Congress have patiently tried, as have Cana- dian building trades workers, to compel the inter- | nationals to grant autonomy to their Canadian members similar at least to that enjoyed by most other workers. In answer the Washington roadmen have used their undemocratic power, given by the very nature of the constitutions of their unions, to thwart this legitimate demand and keep the Canadian unions completely under the thumb of the building trades headquarters. Even the international unions themselves in the U.S. are domin- free to make a choice in the matter. : : Sinister Aim __ There is something even more sinister than this lying behind the present attempts of the U.S. building trades leadership to set up a second trade union centre in Cana- da. Autonomy for them is not an abstraction. The ques- tion is rather one of control, and behind control, it is a matter of policy. . The building trades leadership does not like the ~ policies being followed by the Canadian trade union movement. They would rather have the policies fol- lowed by the AFL-CIO in the United States. Clearly what the building trades want for Canada is a trade-union movement which will be tied to the policies of a foreign government and not free to develop policies which are designed to serve the interests of Canada. In a period where the USA is trying to dictate to Canada what her energy policy should be, trying to force acompletely unfair fishing treaty on Canada and prevent us from in any way breaking the strangle-hold that giant U.S. multi-national companies have on our economy, we can ill afford to have a trade union movement which is * tied to U.S. policies. Every Worker’s Fight This is why Canadian building trades workers must demand of their leaders that they pay up their per capita tax and allow Canadian building trades workers to take their rightful place in the house of labor. This is why all labor, and trade unionists in the first place, should appeal to the CLC leadership to play it cool. Don’t give the Washington-controlled roadmen any excuse to set up another centre. In whatever way it can be done, building trades workers must be provided witha haven inside the house of labor while this matter is fought out within the internationals and the Canadian trade union movement. Together Canadian workers have the savvy and capa- city to win this crucial battle. They must be given the time and opportunity to exercise it. PACIFIC TRIBUNE—MAY 1, 1981—Page 15