‘for yBy RUPERT LOCKWOOD j/AT CYPRIOTS stayed mili- gently Greek, is one of jry’s miracles — and a gaument to the fierce cour- of a virtually defenseless rs le, he Encyclopaedia Britanni- Says Aegean influences dominated in the Bronze ge Which for Cyprus “began Bably before 3,000 B.C. and a about 1,200 B. CY; that gus then had “a larger julation, and distinct art Eeculture”; that Cypriots to- ‘regard Greece as “their ther country.” hich is not surprising, con- iting “that they've been , €ks since before Sir Anth- gf Eden’s ancestors learned ot their faces with blue wYPTUs, coveted for copper, westos, foodstuffs and the gests that built fleets for AYPtians, Persians and Xander the Great, was sel- xm left in peace to develop pore culture, pesSytla, Egypt, Persia, the giites, Phoenccians, Saracens, aMks, Genoese, Venetians, Welans, Turks and British — have j Blea ntruded and de- fonqueror ey ) YPtiots were treated as aves and bartered for dogs ® Plgs. They often walked Ked, lived in caves, reaped ; id not eat, gathered grapes did not drink. ®t even their ancient stones fe sacred, Foreign muse- PS Were filled with them. | @ When the British wanted to Hld Port Saiq wharves after © Suez Canal opening, they No stone quarries handy. 2 ancient and remarkable mple at Soli, Cyprus, dedi- eo Jointly to the Egyptians’ 4 Bae the Greeks’ Aphrodite, 4 Tankish and Venetian a €drals solved the problem. ; he Muslim Turks, too in- rent to build mosques, stole evan churches. = Selim the Second’s :.. €neral Mustafa landed b.. With 60,000 killers. lcosia held out for 45 days; Na le Turk. s ford. S put 20,000 to the followed con- pellant Famagusta held for ; Its governor accepted Sac of honorable sur- Bre treacherous Turk gen- . seasled his eyes on Fama- Be S s0vernor being flayed he the streets. Then : ate had his skin stuffed a Ata hung fromthe yard ¥ ae galley and par- “f0re coastal vill ‘SPite these fats and more ‘Cyprus fights reecem APE KORMAKITE > CAPE ARNAUTI =, AU LIMASSQL 7 CYPRUS ‘A Akrotie Bos ed grisley warnings, Cypriots rose in revolt—seriously in 1784, 1804 and 1821. Turks massacred the Cypriot bishops and many others for support of the Greek Revolution. In 1878 Britain claimed there was a “Russian Menace” to the Suez Canal; and so occupied Cyprus. : Queen Victoria made a dirty deal with Sultan Hamid I. The British held the island, retained Turkish policemen, judges and tax-gatherers, but the Sultan remained official ruler and the Turks collected from Cypriots at the point of British bayonets, the yearly “Turkish tribute” of 92,800 pounds—to subsidize the Sul- ten’s eunuchs, harems and torture chambers. When Britain made Cyprus its colony in 1914, on Turkish entry into the war on Ger- many’s side, the unfortunate Cypriots were forced to con- tinue paying the “Turkish trib- ute.” The excuse was that the Turks owed money to British bondholders; it ‘couldn’t be collected from the enemy: so the impoverished Cypriots could help foot the interest bill. The British on arrival in 1878, were met by Cypriot Orthodox bishops who petition- ed that Cyprus “be united with Mother Greece, with which it is naturally con- nected.” The British promised Enosis (union with Greece) often enough. a In 1897, Prime~ Minister William Gladstone spoke of “the satisfaction I should feel were it granted me before the close of my long life to see the, population of that Hellenic island ~placed «by friendly arrangement in organic union with their brethren of the Kingdom of Greece.” Sir Compton Mackenzie, head of Aegean Intelligence Ser- vice in the First’ World War, recalled again this year that Britain had offered Cyprus ~ CAPE ANDREA Rizckarpaso Mediterrerees Seo ’ —— own } } \ { | to Greece in 1915, as a bribe for Greece’s entry to the war against Germany. In 1931, Cypriots rose for union with Greece, burned Government House and were savagely suppressed. Cyprus is only 60 miles by 141 at its broadest and long- est, with 400,000 Greeks held down by huge British forces, Archbishop Makarios, Cypriot prelate exiled by the British government, sits outside his bungalow in lonely Seychel- les, British island colony in the Indian Ocean. Turkish policemen and Turkish judges — one of whom has just refused D. N. Pritt, noted British lawyer, a habeas cor- pus writ for Cypriot union leaders jailed without trial. The Cypriots could neve: metch the military might of great empires. But they have a moral might that makes contemptible pig- mies of, those who decree them the hangman’s rope, curfew and collective punishment. This battle for Enosis that the: passing of centuries, mas- . sacre, torment, hunger and vandalism has inflamed in their hearts is not the affair ct Cypriots alone. Let all democrats demand that Greeks may be Greeks— ard not the subjects of alien terrorists. Shaw: sage for socialism (Continued from Page 10) the common. street, and into the common Trafalgar Square, where, on the smallest hint on their part that communism is to be tolerated for an in- stant. in a civilized country, they will be handily bludgeon- ed by the common policeman and hauled off to the common jail. “But the proletarian soil was neither virgin nor except- ionally kindly. The masses are not in the least like tramps and they have no romantic illusions about one another, whatever illusions each of them may cherish about her- self.” (“Herself” instead of “him- self” because the passage is from The Intelligent Woman’s Guide to Socialism, one of the most challenging and cogent political- handbooks in the English language, for all that it was addressed to just the sort of middle-class lady whom Shaw was cutting *down to size.) Bernard Shaw had a great deal of respect for women as political beings, and proposed not only female suffrage, but a device he called the ‘‘Coupl- ed Vote’—by which a man and a woman, paired, were to stand for every office to make democracy more “authorita- tive and efficient.” “When Ibsen said the hope of the world lay in the women and the workers, he was nei- ther a sentimentalist nor a demagogue,” Shaw wrote in the Intelligent Woman’s Guide. “Wormen are not angels. They are as foolish as men in many ways, but they have had to devote themselves to life whilst men have had to devote themselves to death... “The heroism of a woman is to nurse and protect life; and of a man to destroy it and court death. But the homicid- al heroes are often abject cow- ards in the face of new ideas and veritable Weary Willies when they are asked to think. “. .. knowing instinctively that if they thought about what they do they might find ~ themselves unable to do it, they are afraid to think. That is why the heroine has to think for them, even to the extent. of often having no time left for herself.” * And- in that passage we come to the final basic ingred- ient of Shavian humor — the one he recognized and public- ized himself. For a man con- siderably in advance of his contemporaries — “a ghost of the future,” as he put it — to say precisely what he thinks is often to achieve the effect of hilarious comedy. Especial- ly when it is combined with deliberate overstatement and mis-statement. The naive or reactionary reader laughs. be- fore he thinks — and then wonders — and thus comes to think for himself! This is what Shaw was do- ing when he welcomed Stalin’s triumph over Trotzky as the “Fabianizing of Bolshevism”— for had he not always said that socialism could be built only in each country by and for itself? That is what he was doing when he warned the Fabian friends ‘after the First World. War that they were changing from ‘“intransigent revolution- ists into intriguers for cabinet rank as yesmen and bunk merchants in the service of the governing class” — and it was no longer “possible for the ocean of spcialism to be poured into the pint pot of nineteenth century parliament- arianism” — and having taken sides with the Russian experi- ment, persisted in his loyalty to it thyough all its ups and downs. One cannot help wishing he had not finally given up the ghost at 94 and retired into the future he foresaw. It would be good, these days, to have someone around to re- mind us among other things that: : “Revolutionary movements attract those who are not good enough for established insti- tutions as well as those who are too good for them,” and that “Society must put up with a certain burden of individual error. The man who has never made a mistake will never make anything; and the man who has ‘never done any harm will never do any good.” August 3, 1956 —PACIFIC TRIBUNE — PAGE 11