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By MEL DOIG

The danger of fascism in North
America today is not limited to
George Wallace and his racist
followers in the United States.
Quebec now has its own ultra-
reactionary, clerico - nationalist
political party, the Parti nationa-
liste chrétien (Christian Natio-
nalist Party). Dr. Gaston Trem-
blay, member for Monmorency
of the Quebec Legislature, last
week announced he had quit the
Union Nationale party to repre-
sent the P.N.C. “The call of my
party,” he declared, “is to re-
store peace, order and security.”
This is the language of the Wal-
lace movement.

There was no public conven-
tion, no congress to found the
Parti nationaliste chrétien. It
nevertheless has __ identifiable
sources -of origin. Claiming a
membership of 150,000, a figure
no one in Quebec has yet dis-
puted, it is the immediate out-
growth of the “Common Front
for Confessional Schools,” start-
ed in 1967 and led by Léo Trem-
blay (no relation to Dr. Gaston
Tremblay), which claimed 100,-
000 signatures for its petition
against Quebec’s bill 21 that
created the non-confessional
CEGESP’s, or junior colleges for
pre-university and vocational
education.

The Common Front for Con-
fessional Schools was able to
finance a twenty-week series of
television broadcasts on eight
TV stations every Sunday
throughout Quebec. It was on
the last of this series of pro-
grams, called the “Conference of
Léo Tremblay,” that Doctor Ga-
ston Tremblay, who is also
mayor of the suburban Quebec
City community of Beauport, si-
multaneously announced his de-
fection from the Union’ Natio-
nale and his intention to sit in
the Legislature as a member of
the Christian Nationalist party.
This was the first public indica-

QUEBEC'S OWN

t

ULIRA-RIGHT PARTY

tion of that party’s existence.
The series of TV programs is
to resume, according to Léo
Tremblay, now secretary of the
PNC, with the addition of four
TV stations, for a total of twelve.
The roots of the new, ultra-
reactionary, Catholic-nationalist
party extend beyond 1967 and
the Common Front for Confes-
sional Schools. Léo Tremblay
first came to public attention in
1963 as the main spokesman and
one of the founders of the secret
society called “La Phalange,”
with a name and an ideology
borrowed from the fascists of
Spain. As an extreme right-wing
separatist movement, its call was
for an independent catholic re-
public of Quebec. With the for-
mation of the Common Front for
Confessional Schools in 1967,
the secret society, La Phalange,
disappeared from view. However,
in his book, published in 1967
entitled Liberty, or Disgrace and
Death, its cover portraying a
cat-o’nine-tails, Léo Tremblay
speaks of the “tens and tens of
thousands of dollars” that the
Phalange could make available.
Anti-communist, anti-socialist,
anti-atheist, anti-Jewish (the
above book contairis a chapter,
The Jewish Octopus and Inde-
pendence), whether as spokes-
man for the Phalange, as chief

organizer and spokesman for the
Common Front for Confessional
Schools, or now as secretary of
the new Parti nationaliste chré-
tien, Léo Tremblay has been and
is today openly identified with
the forces of extreme reaction
in Quebec.

His book, Liberty, or Disgrace
and Death, invites the Jews to
leave Quebec. It projects ‘“‘the
Catholic sovereignty of the
French-Canadian race.” It sup-
ports the economic program of
the Créditiste movement, and
calls for the establishment of
state corporations. It envisages
an independent Quebec as a
state based on the Church.

Complete support for these
ideas, with one temporary quali-
fication, has been expressed by
Dr. Gaston Tremblay, now Parti
nationaliste chrétien member of
Quebec’s legislature. In the ex-
tremely wealthy doctor’s opin-
ion, and in this he is joined by
PNC secretary Léo Tremblay, his
party will not call for Quebec’s
independence until it has come
to power. In a general election
it will fight on two main imme-
diate issues: “confessional
schools and order.” The PNC
claims it will soon hold the bal-
ance of power in the legislature,
as the result of what it antici-

‘pates will be further defections

In West Germany
neo-nazis advance

By HANS-GEORG CANJO

“The result of the elections
has provided my Party with the
ever so-important municipal
basis.” These wofds were the
comment made by Herr Gerhard
Woitschel, member of the act-
ing Provincial Presidium of the
NPD (neo-nazi party) of Hesse,
on the outcome of the municipal
elections held on October 20,
1968 in Hesse, Baden-Wurttem-
berg and the Saar. Indeed, he
has every reason to be satisfied.
After his party had already
managed to get 61 deputies
elected to the Provincial Diets
of Hesse, Bavaria, Lower Sax-
ony, Bremen, Rhineland-Pala-
tine, Baden-Wurttemberg and
Sleswick-Holstein, the NPD has
now succeeded in penetrating
into the town, district and vil-
-lage councils of a further three
important Federal Provinces. At
the first go-off, the Party
achieved strong representations,
among other places, in Frank-
fort/Main, Wiesbaden, Darm-
stadt, Hanau and Giessen —
meaning in five of the nine
towns excepted from district
administration — .as well as in
20 district.and a’ great» number
of village councils. =. 22": 45

PACIFIC TRIBUNE

maa

In the nine Baden-Wurttem-
berg towns, excepted from dis-
trict administration, the neo-
nazis succeeded in making gains
of two percent. In the Saar they
even managed to treble their
votes compared with the 1965
general elections.

It appears necessary to deal
with the election results in the
three Provinces in such detail,
since after these elections the
Bonn propagandists of the. Fe-
deral Government tried to
counter the increasing interna-
tional concern over the upsurge
of nazism by stating that the
NPD was losing its punch. After
election day, a CDU paper in
Frankfort/Main even went as
far as printing the headlines:
“NPD Loses Election”.

This is nothing but a deliber-
ate deception of world public
opinion. It is, however, a fact
that in West Germany neo-naz-
ism is on the up and up. Those
who juggle with election results
are insidiously keeping silent
on the fact that the NPD took
part in the elections not only
with its own electoral lists, but

also, in. hundreds of instances.

_ by means of.so-called .free lists. .
NOVEMBER 8, -1968Pagé 8°”

in combination either with CDU
or FDP candidates.

Though these votes were not
counted as NPD votes, they are
significant for the fact that on
October 20, the neo-nazis were
actually able to consolidate
their important municipal basis
in three Federal Provinces.

One can hardly overrate the
significance of the election re-
sults of October 20, in conjunc-
tion with the outcome of the
election in Lower Saxony where
the NPD gained 117 seats in 75
town and district councils and
a further 135 in village coun-
cils. West German municipal-
ities have always been domin-
nated by the Social Democratic
Party. And it is this very Party
with its traditional majorities
in most of the West German
county councils which suffered
once more heavy defeats. Signi-
ficantly, this happened, above
all, in working class areas.

In the light of this develop-
ment, the NPD leaders agree
more than ever with the fore-
cast published by “Balser Nach-
richten” on the day after the
elections.in Lower Saxony: “If

the neo-nazis manage to repeat | ay.
their. Lower Saxony result.on a-.,reaping’ ‘the. benefit from the”

to it from the ranks of Union
Nationale members.

By the defection of Dr. Gaston
Tremblay to the Parti nationa-
liste chrétien, there is no doubt
the Union Nationale is threaten-
ed with the possibility it may

- Jose its precarious majority of

one in the legislature. Of the 108
members, the Union Nationale
has 54, but one of these is the
Speaker. who may not vote ex-
cept in case of a tie. The Quebec
Liberals have 48 members.
There are four independent
members including René Le-
vesque of the Parti Québecois.
On December 4 next there will
be two by-elections, which will
probably be split between the
Union Nationale and the Liber-
als.

But underlying the numbers
game of parties in the legislature
is Dr. Gaston Tremblay’s charge
that the Union Nationale was
elected to power in 1966 largely
on the basis, above all in the
rural areas from which that party
has traditionally drawn _ its
strength, that it would oppose
the Lesage Liberal government’s
program for a new system of
education that progressively re-
duces control by the church.
The cold facts are that this was
so, and that the Union Nationale,
led by the late Daniel Johnson,

once in power continued thé
educational policies in the mali
of the previous Liberal régime:

Numbers of former Union Na
tionale rural voters, and it may
be that this will include somé
ultra-nationalist elements in that
party’s legislature members, fee
their party deserted its 1966 pro
gram. They may be turning 1
the Parti nationaliste chrétie”,
whose existence now raises thé
possibility of a minority gover
ment in Quebec.

In addition to these possible
adherents coming from among
past supporters of the Uniol
Nationale party, the Christia®
Nationalist party consists of ele
ments drawn from the Rallié
ment Nationale (the reaction
ary “‘indépendantiste” party
which has been fused into thé
new, white-collar, mainly urbal

Parti Québecois), from the “cre

ditiste” movement, as well a
elements from sections of thé
Catholic church, and right-win8
catholic nationalists, especially
in rural areas.

To underestimate’ the actual
extent of support for this new
party of extreme reaction
Quebec, the Parti nationaliste
chrétien, would be a serious mS
take, above all for the democra-
tic, Idbor forces of Quebec and
of all Canada.

Strong-armed “‘stewards” in S.S. style attack protesting citizens
at a meeting of neo-nazis in Nuremberg.

Federal scale they will enter the
Bundestag as a parliamentary
group next autumn.”

Voices sounding the alarm
over the upsurge of the NPD
which, together with the no less

fascist-riddled CDU, is today.

stepped up expansionist drive of
the Federal Government, de-
serve even more attention that
in former times. It is mainly
due to these warnings, that
Bonn is trying to play down the —
forward march of the NPD...
—P. anorama, GDR. a